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Sunday, May 27, 2018

Myanmar Business Sentiment Survey ၏ ေတြ႕ရွိခ်က္မ်ား

Myanmar Business Sentiment Survey ၏ ေတြ႕ရွိခ်က္မ်ား


B4B Insights Forum ပထမေန႔ အခမ္းအနားမွာ အထူးအစီအစဥ္အျဖစ္ “အသင္းခ်ဳပ္ ျပည္တြင္းစီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ား ဖြံ႕ျဖိဳးတုိးတက္ေရးေကာ္မတီ” နဲ႔ MMRD Co, Ltd တို႔ ပူးေပါင္းေကာက္ယူထားတဲ့ Myanmar Business Sentiment Survey ရဲ႕ ေတြ႕ရွိခ်က္ေတြကို ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
စစ္တမ္းေတြ႕ရွိခ်က္ေတြဟာ ျပည္တြင္း စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းရွင္ေပါင္း ၁၄၀၀ ေက်ာ္ရဲ႕ ေျဖဆိုခ်က္ေတြကို အေျခခံတြက္ခ်က္ထားတာျဖစ္ျပီး
အဓိကအားျဖင့္
👍 လက္ရွိ စီးပြားေရးအေျခအေန
👍 လက္ရွိ စီးပြားေရးအေျခအေနမေကာင္းရသည့္ အေၾကာင္းရင္းမ်ား
👍 ေနာင္ (၁၂) လ ကာလတြင္ ၎တို႔၏ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္း တုိးတက္မႈအေပၚ ယံုၾကည္မႈအတိုင္းအတာ
👍 တိုးတက္မႈအေပၚ ယံုၾကည္မႈမရွိရျခင္း၏ အေၾကာင္းရင္းမ်ား
👍 ျပည္တြင္း စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားအတြက္ ကုန္သည္စက္မႈအသင္းခ်ဳပ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးရမည့္ လုပ္ငန္းမ်ား
👍 ျပည္တြင္း စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားအတြက္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အစိုးရ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးရမည့္ လုပ္ငန္းမ်ား
စသည္တို႔ ပါဝင္ပါတယ္။
စစ္တမ္းရဲ႕ အဓိကေတြ႕ရွိခ်က္ေတြ အေနနဲ႔
👉 ျပည္တြင္းစီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ား အားလံုးရဲ႕ အေျခအေနဟာ ၂၀၁၆ ခုႏွစ္ ႏွင့္ယွဥ္လွ်င္ ၂၀၁၈ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ က်ဆင္းလာေၾကာင္း နဲ႔ ေနာင္ (၁၂) လတာ ကာလအတြင္း လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားတိုးတက္မႈအေပၚ ယံုၾကည္မႈဟာလည္း ယခင္ႏွစ္ျဖင့္ ႏႈိင္းယွဥ္ရင္ က်ဆင္းလ်က္ရွိေၾကာင္း
👉 ၎တို႔ရဲ႕ တိုးတက္မႈအေပၚ ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္က်ဆင္းရတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းအရင္းမ်ားစြာထဲမွ အဓိကအျဖစ္
ေဖာ္ျပၾကတာကေတာ့ အခြန္အေကာက္ႏႈန္းထားမ်ားမွာ ျဖစ္သင့္သည္ထက္မ်ားျပားေနျခင္း နဲ႔ တရားမဝင္ ဝင္ေရာက္လာသည့္ ကုန္ပစၥည္းမ်ားကို ယွဥ္ျပိဳင္ႏိုင္စြမ္း မရွိသည့္ အေျခအေနတို႔ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း
👉 စစ္တမ္းအား ေျဖဆိုသည့္ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းရွင္မ်ားထဲမွ ၂၂ ရာခုိင္ႏႈန္းက အခြန္ကို အျပည့္အဝနားမလည္ပါဟု ေဖာ္ျပၾကေၾကာင္း
စသည္တို႔ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အထက္ေဖာ္ျပပါ အခ်က္မ်ားဟာ ေကာက္ႏႈတ္ခ်က္မ်ားျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
စစ္တမ္းေတြ႕ရွိခ်က္မ်ားကို MMRD Co., Ltd ၏ မန္ေနးဂ်င္းဒါရိုက္တာ ဦးမိုးေက်ာ္က တင္ျပခဲ့တာျဖစ္ျပီး၊ ဦးမိုးေက်ာ္ရဲ႕ Presentation ကို ေဖာ္ျပလိုက္ရပါတယ္။
ဦးမိုးေက်ာ္ရဲ႕ ရွင္းလင္းတင္ျပခ်က္ ရုပ္သံမွတ္တမ္း အျပည့္အစံုကို ဒီ page မွာပဲ ေဖာ္ျပေပးသြားမွာလဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။


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Myanmar Business Sentiment Survey ၏ တွေ့ရှိချက်များ
****************B4B Insights Forum ပထမနေ့ အခမ်းအနားမှာ အထူးအစီအစဉ်အဖြစ် “အသင်းချုပ် ပြည်တွင်းစီးပွားရေးလုပ်ငန်းများ ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်ရေးကော်မတီ” နဲ့ MMRD Co, Ltd တို့ ပူးပေါင်းကောက်ယူထားတဲ့ Myanmar Business Sentiment Survey ရဲ့ တွေ့ရှိချက်တွေကို ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပါတယ်။စစ်တမ်းတွေ့ရှိချက်တွေဟာ ပြည်တွင်း စီးပွားရေးလုပ်ငန်းရှင်ပေါင်း ၁၄၀ဝ ကျော်ရဲ့ ဖြေဆိုချက်တွေကို အခြေခံတွက်ချက်ထားတာဖြစ်ပြီးအဓိကအားဖြင့်👍 လက်ရှိ စီးပွားရေးအခြေအနေ
👍 လက်ရှိ စီးပွားရေးအခြေအနေမကောင်းရသည့် အကြောင်းရင်းများ
👍 နောင် (၁၂) လ ကာလတွင် ၎င်းတို့၏ စီးပွားရေးလုပ်ငန်း တိုးတက်မှုအပေါ် ယုံကြည်မှုအတိုင်းအတာ
👍 တိုးတက်မှုအပေါ် ယုံကြည်မှုမရှိရခြင်း၏ အကြောင်းရင်းများ
👍 ပြည်တွင်း စီးပွားရေးလုပ်ငန်းများအတွက် ကုန်သည်စက်မှုအသင်းချုပ် ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရမည့် လုပ်ငန်းများ
👍 ပြည်တွင်း စီးပွားရေးလုပ်ငန်းများအတွက် နိုင်ငံတော်အစိုးရ ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရမည့် လုပ်ငန်းများစသည်တို့ ပါဝင်ပါတယ်။စစ်တမ်းရဲ့ အဓိကတွေ့ရှိချက်တွေ အနေနဲ့👉 ပြည်တွင်းစီးပွားရေးလုပ်ငန်းများ အားလုံးရဲ့ အခြေအနေဟာ ၂၀၁၆ ခုနှစ် နှင့်ယှဉ်လျှင် ၂၀၁၈ ခုနှစ်တွင် ကျဆင်းလာကြောင်း နဲ့ နောင် (၁၂) လတာ ကာလအတွင်း လုပ်ငန်းများတိုးတက်မှုအပေါ် ယုံကြည်မှုဟာလည်း ယခင်နှစ်ဖြင့် နှိုင်းယှဉ်ရင် ကျဆင်းလျက်ရှိကြောင်း👉 ၎င်းတို့ရဲ့ တိုးတက်မှုအပေါ် ယုံကြည်ချက်ကျဆင်းရတဲ့ အကြောင်းအရင်းများစွာထဲမှ အဓိကအဖြစ်
ဖော်ပြကြတာကတော့ အခွန်အကောက်နှုန်းထားများမှာ ဖြစ်သင့်သည်ထက်များပြားနေခြင်း နဲ့ တရားမဝင် ဝင်ရောက်လာသည့် ကုန်ပစ္စည်းများကို ယှဉ်ပြိုင်နိုင်စွမ်း မရှိသည့် အခြေအနေတို့ ဖြစ်ကြောင်း👉 စစ်တမ်းအား ဖြေဆိုသည့် စီးပွားရေးလုပ်ငန်းရှင်များထဲမှ ၂၂ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းက အခွန်ကို အပြည့်အဝနားမလည်ပါဟု ဖော်ပြကြကြောင်းစသည်တို့ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။အထက်ဖော်ပြပါ အချက်များဟာ ကောက်နှုတ်ချက်များဖြစ်ပါတယ်။စစ်တမ်းတွေ့ရှိချက်များကို MMRD Co., Ltd ၏ မန်နေးဂျင်းဒါရိုက်တာ ဦးမိုးကျော်က တင်ပြခဲ့တာဖြစ်ပြီး၊ ဦးမိုးကျော်ရဲ့ Presentation ကို ဖော်ပြလိုက်ရပါတယ်။ဦးမိုးကျော်ရဲ့ ရှင်းလင်းတင်ပြချက် ရုပ်သံမှတ်တမ်း အပြည့်အစုံကို ဒီ page မှာပဲ ဖော်ပြပေးသွားမှာလဲဖြစ်ပါတယ်။👉 Presentation PDF download - http://bit.ly/MMbizsurveypresentation2018 .ကုန်သည်စက်မှုအသင်းချုပ်

👉 Presentation PDF download - http://bit.ly/MMbizsurveypresentation2018 .
ကုန္သည္စက္မႈအသင္းခ်ဳပ္



....

 Myanmar Business Survey #2 

Image result for Myanmar Business Survey #2
December 2016, Roland Berger published the first Myanmar business survey. The results showed an enormous sense of optimism among both local and international investors: 73% of business people expected the business landscape to (rapidly) improve. This optimism, which was arguably unparalleled worldwide, resulted from the political and economic changes the country had recently undergone, including economic reforms particularly in the telecom sector, democratic elections and a peaceful transition to a new government led by Nobel Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as the subsequent lifting of US sanctions.
To assess how this business sentiment has evolved since then, Roland Berger launched the second Roland Berger Myanmar Business Confidence Survey, conducted in June-August 2017, this time in cooperation with the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI), the leading chamber of commerce in the country. This second survey captures the latest business sentiment of almost 500 owners and senior executives from companies of all sizes (compared to 179 responses in the 2016 survey). In the latest survey, 61% of the respondents are local companies (compared to 38% in 2016) and 39% are international firms (compared to 62% in 2016).
The survey results show a drastic decline in short-term business sentiment, with only 49% of executives expecting the business landscape to (rapidly) improve within the next 12 months, compared to 73% in 2016. The drop is consistent across local companies (from 76% to 50%) and international firms (from 71% to 49%). It should be noted that the survey was conducted before the latest developments in Rakhine state in August and September 2017, which is likely to have further reduced investor confidence in Myanmar.

Saturday, May 26, 2018

ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ကိုအေရးယူမယ့္ ဥပေဒျပင္ဆင္ခ်က္မူၾကမ္း ကန္ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္အတည္ျပဳ

လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးခ်ိဳးေဖာက္မႈေတြမွာ တာ၀န္ရိွတဲ့ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္နဲ႔ လံုၿခံဳေရးအဖဲြ႕အစည္းေတြကို အေရးယူမယ့့္ ဥပေဒျပင္ဆင္ခ်က္မူၾကမ္းကို အေမရိကန္ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္က တခဲနက္ အတည္ျပဳလုိက္ပါတယ္။ ဒီ ဥပေဒၾကမ္းအရ ျမန္မာလံုၿခံဳေရးအဖဲြ႔အစည္းနဲ႔ တာ၀န္ရိွသူအခ်ိဳ႕ကို ဘ႑ာေငြေၾကးဆိုင္ရာအေရးယူဒဏ္ခတ္မႈေတြနဲ႔ ျပည္၀င္ခြင့္ပိတ္ပင္တာေတြရိွလာမွာျဖစ္သလို၊ အေမရိကန္နဲ႔ ျမန္မာစစ္ဖက္ ဆက္ဆံမႈအေပၚမွာလည္း အကန္႔အသတ္ ျဖစ္သြားေစမွာပါ။ ဒီအေၾကာင္း ကိုသားညြန္႔ဦး အျပည့္အစံုေျပာျပပါလိမ့္မယ္။
အခု ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္က ေထာက္ခံမဲ ၃၈၂ မဲ ကန္႔ကြက္မဲ ၃၀ နဲ႔ အတည္ျပဳလိုက္တဲ့ NDAA အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံကာကြယ္ေရးလုပ္ပိုင္ခြင့္အက္ဥပေဒ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဆိုင္ရာျပင္ဆင္ခ်က္မူၾကမ္းအရ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ကခ်င္၊ ခ်င္း၊ ကရင္နဲ႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံက အျခားလူနည္းစုလူမ်ိဳးေတြအေပၚ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးက်ဴးလြန္တဲ့ စစ္ဖက္နဲ႕ လံုၿခံဳေရးအာဏာပိုင္ေတြကို ဘ႑ာေငြေၾကးအရ ပိတ္ဆို႔အေရးယူဖို႔၊ အေမရိကန္ျပည္၀င္ခြင့္ ပိတ္ပင္ဖို႔ အစိုးရအာဏာပိုင္ေတြကို လုပ္ပိုင္ခြင့္ေပးထားပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္အေနနဲ႔ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအေျခခံစံႏႈန္းေတြ တိုးတက္ေကာင္းမြန္လာၿပီး၊ အရပ္သားအစိုးရထိန္းခ်ဳပ္မႈေအာက္ရိွလာတယ္ဆိုုတဲ့ အေထာက္အထားေတြ မရိွသေရြ႕၊ ျမန္မာနဲ႔ အေမရိကန္ စစ္ဖက္ဆက္ဆံေရးေတြကိုလည္း ကန္႔သတ္ထားပါတယ္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ေတာ့ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၂၀၁၇ ခုႏွစ္ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္မွာျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလူနည္းစုေတြအေပၚ ျပဳမူဆက္ဆံခဲ့တာေတြကို ေထာက္ျပခဲ့ၿပီး၊ အခု ျပင္ဆင္ခ်က္ဥပေဒၾကမ္းဟာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအေျခအေနတုိးတက္လာေအာင္ ဖိအားေပးတာဖို႔ ရည္ရြယ္ထားတာပါ။ ဒီ ျပင္ဆင္ခ်က္ဥပေဒၾကမ္းကို ဦးေဆာင္အဆိုတင္တဲ့ ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဒီမိုကရက္အမတ္ Eliot Engel က ဒီအျဖစ္အပ်က္ေၾကာင့္ ဒုကၡသည္ ၇ သိန္း ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရ္ွဖက္ကို ထြက္ေျပးခဲ့ရၿပီး၊ အဲဒီက ၈၀ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းဟာ ကေလးနဲ႔ အမ်ိဳးသမီးေတြျဖစ္ၾကတယ္လို႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။
“ဒါဟာ လူေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္ရတဲ့ အၾကပ္အတည္းပါ။ လူမ်ိဳးႏြယ္စုအလိုက္ ရွင္းလင္းဖယ္ရွားမႈပါ။ မ်ိဳးတုံးသတ္ျဖတ္မႈ ျဖစ္ေကာင္းျဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ အခုအခ်ိန္အထိ ဒီျဖစ္ရပ္အတြက္ တာ၀န္ယူမႈ တာ၀န္ခံမႈ မရိွေသးပါဘူး။”
ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္က အခု အတည္ျပဳေပးလိုက္တဲ့ NDAA ရဲ႕ ျမန္မာျပည္ဆိုင္ရာျပင္ဆင္ခ်က္မူၾကမ္းမွာ အဓိကကေတာ့ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ကို ပိုၿပီး ပစ္မွတ္ထားတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီအေရးယူမႈေတြဟာ အေျပာင္းအလဲကိုျဖစ္ေစမယ္လို႔ ယံုၾကည္တဲ့အေၾကာင္းလည္း ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ Eliot Engel က ေျပာသြားပါတယ္။
“ ဒီအေရးယူမႈဟာ အေျပာင္းအလဲ ျဖစ္ေစမွာပါ။ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးအေျခအေနတြ တိုးတက္လာတာကို မျမင္ရသေရြ႕ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ကို အေမရိကန္စစ္ဖက္က အကူအညီ အေထာက္အပံ့ေပးမႈေတြ ကန္႔သတ္ထားပါမယ္။ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးခ်ိဳးေဖာက္မႈေတြမွာ ပါ၀င္ပတ္သက္တဲ့ စစ္ဖက္နဲ႔ လံုၿခံဳေရးတပ္ေတြကို ဘ႑ာေငြေၾကးဆိုင္ရာျပင္းထန္တဲ့ အေရးယူမႈေတြ၊ ေနာက္ ျပည္၀င္ခြင့္ပိတ္ပင္တာေတြ လုပ္ပါမယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံတြင္း ပြင့္လင္းျမင္သာမႈျဖစ္ေအာင္ အားေပးပါမယ္။ ျမန္မာေက်ာက္ျမတ္လုပ္ငန္းပိုင္းမွာ စစ္တပ္ကၾသဇာလႊမ္းေနတာေတြကို ပစ္မွတ္ထားၿပီး ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးလုပ္ဖို႕ တြန္းအားေပးပါမယ္။ လူမ်ိဳးႏြယ္စုလိုက္ရွင္းလင္းမႈေတြျဖစ္ေနတယ္ဆိုတာအျပင္ ဘယ္ေလာက္အတိုင္းအတာျဖစ္ပ်က္ခဲ့သလဲဆိုတာကို ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီးအေနနဲ႔ ဆန္းစစ္သံုးသပ္ရပါလိမ့္မယ္။”
လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးစံႏႈန္း ပြင့္လင္းျမင္သာမႈ သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ထိမ္းသိမ္းေစာင့္ေရွာက္မႈ စတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံတကာစံႏႈန္းေတြနဲ႔ ညီညြတ္တဲ့ လုပ္ငန္းကုမဏီေတြကို စာရင္းျပဳစုျခင္းအားျဖင့္ အရပ္သားအစိုးရနဲ႔ အရပ္ဖက္အဖဲြ႔ေတြဖက္ ျမန္မာ့ေက်ာက္ျမတ္လုပ္ငန္း ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးျဖစ္ဖုိ႔ ႀကိဳးပမ္းတာေတြကို အားေပးသြားမယ္လို႔လည္း အဲဒီ ဥပေဒၾကမ္းမွာေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။ ၁၉၈၂ ႏိုင္ငံသားအက္ဥပေဒကို ျပန္လည္ျပင္ဆင္ေရးအပါအ၀င္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာအၾကပ္အတည္းကို ေျဖရွင္းေရးအတြက္ အရပ္သားအစိုးရအေနနဲ႕ သူ႕စြမ္းေဆာင္ႏိုင္သေရြ႕လုပ္ေဆာင္ဖို႔ကိုလည္း တုိက္တြန္းထားပါတယ္။
အေမရိကန္ ကာကြယ္ေရးအက္ဥပေဒမွာ ျပင္ဆင္ခ်က္ေတြကို ႏွစ္စဥ္ႏွစ္တုိင္း လႊတ္ေတာ္က ဆုံးျဖတ္ေလ့ရွိၿပီး၊ အခုေနာက္ဆုံး ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဆုိင္ရာ ျပင္ဆင္ခ်က္ကုိေတာ့ အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္မွာ မဲခြဲဆုံးျဖတ္ၿပီး အတည္ျပဳေပးရဦးမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရးရာ ေကာ္မတီမွာပဲ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ သီတင္းပတ္ ေႏွာင္းပုိင္းမွာတုန္းကလည္း ၂၀၁၈ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဆုိင္ရာ အက္ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းကုိ အတည္ျပဳထားၿပီး၊ ဥပေဒအျဖစ္ ျပဌာန္းဖုိ႔ အထက္နဲ႔ ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ေတြမွာ မဲခဲြၾကမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ႏွစ္ ၾသဂုတ္လထဲ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ပုိင္းက လုံၿခံဳေရးကင္းစခန္း ၃၀ ေလာက္ကုိ စီးနင္းတုိက္ခုိက္ခဲ့တဲ့ ARSA အစြန္းေရာက္အုပ္စုကုိ လုိက္လံရွင္းလင္းရာမွာ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္က လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္မႈေတြ အႀကီးအက်ယ္ က်ဳးလြန္ခဲ့ၿပီး၊ လူမ်ဳိးစုအလုိက္ ရွင္းလင္းဖယ္ရွားတဲ့ အဆင့္အထိ ေရာက္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း အေမရိကန္ အပါအ၀င္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာ အသုိင္းအ၀န္းနဲ႔ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး အဖဲြ႔ေတြက စြပ္စဲြထားၾကၿပီး၊ တာ၀န္ရွိသူေတြကုိ ေဖာ္ထုတ္အေရးယူဖုိ႔ တုိက္တြန္းေနၾကတာပါ။ ဒီအျဖစ္အပ်က္ကိုလည္း ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြအေပၚ လူမ်ိဳးႏြယ္စုလိုက္ရွင္းလင္းဖယ္ရွားမႈျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရးဌာနက သံုးႏႈန္းထားပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ကိုအေရးယူမယ့္ ဥပေဒျပင္ဆင္ခ်က္မူၾကမ္း ကန္ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္အတည္ျပဳ

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 တိုက္႐ိုက္ လင့္ခ္  
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Why The West Should Do Nothing About The Rohingya Crisis In Myanmar!

http://thefederalist.com/2017/09/13/west-nothing-rohingya-crisis-myanmar/


Media outlets weep that this is a crime against humanity, denouncing a Muslim ‘massacre’ going on in Myanmar, almost completely ignoring that this is a vicious, both-

sided conflict.

By Sumantra Maitra
September 13, 2017

The Kashimiri pandits are known for their dark humor, quite similar to Soviet dissidents during the 1980s. Pandits say when there is an Islamist minority, they go on TV and

demand human rights against genocide. When there is an Islamist majority, there are no human rights.

For the uninitiated, Kashmiri pandits are Hindu minorities who used to live in the northern Indian side of Kashmir, bordering Pakistan up until the late 1980s. The state of

Kashmir is a point of contention ever since India and Pakistan got independence from the British, with both claiming it. During the 1980s, and after three lost wars, the

Pakistani government understood that there’s no military solution to Kashmir and no possibility to win or capture the Kashmir region from a mightier Indian conventional

army.

Pakistan then started to supply arms to the jihadist groups in Kashmir. That morphed into an insurgency, which led to the severely underreported ethnic cleansing where

thousands of Hindus were killed and raped in the region, leading to hundreds of thousands of them fleeing deeper into Indian heartland. India in the 1980s was incapable of

dealing with such early instance of jihadist violence and hybrid warfare, especially with a porous Himalayan border and steady stream of Islamists and sophisticated arms

pouring in. As a result, the demographics of the region changed permanently, and we now have one of the most intractable geopolitical conflicts of the region.

This brings us to the latest flare-up of the historic Rohingya problem in Myanmar. Recently, violence has flared up in the northern Rakhine region of Myanmar, where

government forces are battling an Islamist insurgency with the Rohingya Muslims. Needless to say, the government forces of Myanmar are extremely brutal, although in the

fog of war accusations of genocide and massacres are often uncorroborated, with zero independent media sources present in the field. Nonetheless, it is an important problem,

precisely because with the collapse of ISIS, Islamists are now returning back to their home countries, with a bunch now back in Philippines waging a war against the Filipino

government.
The Narrative Is One-Sided

However, a quick glance through the media would show the lament of the liberal interventionist ideologues in full force, presenting a one-sided narrative of persecuted

Muslims. Reality is rather more complicated. The Guardian and Al Jazeera weep that this is a crime against humanity, as CNN joins the Taliban, Turkey and Ramzan

Kadyrov in denouncing “a massacre” going on in Myanmar, almost completely ignoring that this is a vicious, both-sided conflict.

Some random creative writer and blogger in Huffington Post even advocated a humanitarian intervention to bring “justice” to the Rohingya. Others took to Twitter to signal

their virtue, and suggest to the standard fallback option of taking in thousands of refugees.

Let us forget for a moment the puerile fantasy that there will be a Western-led military and humanitarian intervention in Myanmar, backed by a United Nations mandate.

While superficially similar, Myanmar is not the Balkans in the early ‘90s. Myanmar borders both India and China, two nuclear armed states, the former an ally of the west,

and the latter a geopolitical adversary. Both the powers have strategic and military interest and ties with Myanmar, and both suffer from regular Islamist insurgency, thereby

naturally aligning themselves to Myanmar.

None of them are like a weakened impotent Russia in the early nineties, and the idea that it is possible to overstep their interests right in their backyard is frankly juvenile.

Let us also momentarily ignore that there are zero Western geostrategic interests in Myanmar other than those which are purely humanitarian, and therefore defy strategic

logic.

The history of humanitarian interventions, direct military actions, and nation-building from Iraq to Libya, or through armed proxies in Syria, ended in costly stalemates, or

worse in the destruction of an entire North African coastline, which turned into a hub of human trafficking and terrorism. It is therefore highly unlikely that there will be any

Middle East-type military solution to this crisis. The bigger question is, is the media narrative regarding Rohingya nuanced enough for discussion? And why are liberal

interventionist ideologues suddenly so hysteric about this one particular problem?
The False Narrative of Anti-Rohingya Violence

The history of the Rohingya is not as one-sided as the current media portrayals suggest. The Rohingya are descendants of the Afghan Pathan and Indian Bengali Muslims

from the Mughal period. The history of persecution isn’t one-sided either. The animosity goes back to the time of the last Mughals, when Shah Shuja fled to Arakan with his

defeated army, then tried to take over the Arakan (Rakhine) kingdom, which was then primarily Buddhist and Hindu, in the seventeenth century.

In the nineteenth century, the British resettled hundreds of thousands of Muslims to Burma for cheap labor, destroying the delicate demographic balance in the Rakhine

region. In the 1940s, there were massive anti-Buddhist violence committed by Rohingya calling themselves Mujahideens. Around 50,000 Buddhists were butchered in

cyclical violence, around the same time ethnic cleansing was taking place in the great Calcutta killing. All that has resulted in a historic distrust between communities which

lasts to this day, not just in Myanmar, but also in the far eastern parts of India.

Ask anyone in eastern Indian states or in Thailand or Burma, and you will get a very different picture of the problem. In modern times, the Rohingya jihad started in around

the 1970s and was successfully quashed by the Burmese military, in one of the rare incidents of a successful COIN operation, which resulted in a decade and half of relative

peace. This latest crisis is also a brutal reaction to the Rohingya jihadists launching attacks on Burmese policemen, a fact increasingly lost in the repeated argumenta ad

passiones in Western media. The Buddhists in Myanmar have seen what fate befell Kashmiri pandits in India and Coptic Christians in Egypt.

For liberals, though, it is all about optics. With the jihadist violence snowballing into an insurgency in Europe alongside the hopelessness and inevitable failure of the Arab

Spring and the growing anti-Islamist sentiment across Europe, liberals in the media and academia were on the lookout for another good global battle. Nothing rejuvenates the

interventionists and institutionalists as another utopian noble cause, and the Rohingya provide another ultimate opportunity to signal virtues and bolster internationalist

credentials that are under question following the recent setbacks.

That is also the same reason why San Suu Kyi, a veritable hero of democracy, suddenly is a figure of villainy. As Peter Hitchens pointed out in 2003, Milosevic was a hero to

the Left before he turned nationalist. Suu Kyi, who finally managed to change Myanmar from a junta, led hell to a chaotic and nascent democracy. She understands what our

liberal idealist internationalist elites refuse to accept, and is channeling the nationalist majority opinion of her countrymen.

It is about time the debate about Rohingya in the West is more balanced as well. There are no viable options for the West in Myanmar, and sometimes realpolitik and buck-

passing is the hardest and right thing to do.



Google Translate..

အဆိုပါ Kashimiri ပန္ဒစ္ 1980 ကာလအတြင္းဆိုဗီယက္အတိုက္အခံမ်ားမွအေတာ္ေလးဆင္တူသူတို့ရဲ့ေမွာင္မိုက္ဟာသမ်ားအတြက္လူသိမ်ားျကသည္။

ပန္ဒစ္ကာအစၥလာမ္မစ္လူနည္းစုလည္းမရွိသည့္အခါသူတို့ TV ေပၚမွာသြားနွင့္လူမ်ိုးတံုးသတ္ျဖတ္မႈဆန့္က်င္ကလူ့အခြင့္အေရးေတာင္းဆိုေျပာျကပါတယ္။

တစ္ဦးအစၥလာမၼစ္အမ်ားစုရွိသည့္အခါမွ်မကလူ့အခြင့္အေရးရွိပါတယ္။

အဆိုပါ uninitiated အဘို့, ရွ်မီရီပန္ဒစ္ေနွာင္းပိုင္း 1980 အထိပါကစၥတန္နယ္နိမိတ္ခ်င္းထိစပ္, ကက္ရွမီးယားရဲ့ေျမာက္ပိုင္းအိနၵိယဘက္ျခမ္းမွာေနထိုင္ဖို့အသံုးျပုတဲ့သူဟိနၵူလူနည္းစုျဖစ္ျကသည္။

ကက္ရွမီးယားျပည္နယ္အိနၵိယနွင့္ပါကစၥတန္နွစ္ဦးစလံုးေျကာင့္ဟုဆိုကာအတူျဗိတိသွ်ထံမွလြတ္လပ္ေရးရတယ္အစဉ္အဆက္ကတည္းကေတြ့တဲ့အခ်က္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ 1980

စဉ္အတြင္းသံုးေယာက္ဆံုးရံႈးခဲ့ရစစ္ပြဲမ်ားျပီးေနာက္,

ပါကစၥတန္အစိုးရကကက္ရွမီးယားစရာစစ္ေရးေျဖရွင္းခ်က္နွင့္တန္ခိုးျကီးအိနၵိယသမားရိုးက်စစ္တပ္အေနျဖင့္ကက္ရွမီးယားေဒသအနိုင္ရသို့မဟုတ္ဖမ္းယူရန္မျဖစ္နိုင္ေခ်ရွိမယ့္ေျကာင္းသိနားလည္ျက၏



ပါကစၥတန္ထို့ေနာက္ကက္ရွမီးယားအတြက္ဂ်ီဟတ္ဝါဒီအုပ္စုမ်ားမွလက္နက္ေထာက္ပံ့ဖို့စတင္ခဲ့တယ္။

အဲဒီဟိနၵူေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ၏ရာေပါင္းမ်ားစြာသူတို့ကိုေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ၏အိနၵိယဗဟိုသို့ပိုမိုနက္ရွိုင္းထြက္ေျပးလာေသာမွဦးေဆာင္ေဒသတြင္း၌ဦးေသဆံုးျပီးအဓမၼျပုက်င့္ခဲ့ျကရွိရာျပင္းထန္စြာ

underreported တိုင္းရင္းသားသန့္စင္ဖို့ဦးေဆာင္သည့္ေသာင္းက်န္းမႈသို့ morphed ။ အိနၵိယ 1980

ခုနွစ္တြင္အထူးသျဖင့္တစ္ဦးစိမ္ဟိမဝနၱာနယ္စပ္နွင့္အစၥလာမ္မစ္နွင့္ေလာင္းေခတ္မီလက္နက္မွန္မွန္စီးနွင့္အတူဂ်ီဟတ္ဝါဒီအျကမ္းဖက္မႈနွင့္စပ္စစ္ဆင္ေရး၏ထိုကဲ့သို့ေသာအေစာပိုင္းဥပမာအားျဖင့္ကိုင္

တြယ္ေျဖရွင္းနိုင်ခဲ့သည္။ ရလဒ္အျဖစ္အဆိုပါေဒသ၏အသက္အပိုင္းအျခားအျပီးတိုင္ေျပာင္းလဲသြား, ျကွန်ုပ်တို့ ယခုေဒသ၏အရွိဆံုးမထိန်းျခုပ်နိုင်ပထဝီနိုင္ငံေရးပဋိပကၡမ်ားကိုတဦးရွိသည္။

ဤသည္ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံတြင္သမိုင္းဝင္ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား၏ျပႆနာ၏ေနာက္ဆံုးမီးေတာက္-Up ဖို့ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို့ကိုေဆာင္တတ္၏။

မျကာေသးမီကအျကမ္းဖက္မႈအစိုးရတပ္ဖြဲ့မ်ားရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမြတ္စလင္နဲ့အစၥလာမၼစ္သူပုန္မ်ားရွိရာျမန္မာနိုင္ငံရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ပိုင္းေဒသမ်ားတြင္ဖြင့္အလြန္ေဒါသထြက္ခဲ့သည္ဟုသိရသည္။

လူမ်ိုးတံုးသတ္ျဖတ္မႈနဲ့အစုလိုက္အျပံုလိုက္သတ္ျဖတ္နွိမ္နင္း၏စစ္စြပ္စြဲခ်က္မ်ား၏ျမူထဲမွာလယ္ျပင္၌ပစၥုပၸန္သုညလြတ္လပ္ေသာမီဒီယာရင္းျမစ္မ်ားနွင့္အတူမျကာခဏ uncorroborated

မ်ားမွာေပမယ့္ေျပာစရာမလိုေတာ့ပါဘူး, ျမန္မာအစိုးရတပ္ဖြဲ့မ်ားသည္, အလြန္ရက္စက္ျကမ္းျကုတ္စြာရွိပါသည္။ မည္သို့ပင္ဆိုေစ, က ISIS

အဖြဲ့မ်ား၏ျပိုက်အတူအစၥလာမ္မစ္ယခုယခုျပန္ဖိလစ္ပိုင္အတြက္ဖိလစ္ပိုင္အစိုးရဆန့္က်င္တဲ့စစ္ပြဲဆင္နြဲမယ့္စည္းနွင့္အတူゞင္းတို့၏ေနအိမ္နိုင္ငံမ်ားသို့ျပန္ျပန္လာေနျကသည္တိက်စြာေသာေကြာင့်,

အေရးပါေသာျပႆနာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဇာတ္လမ္းတစ္ခုမွာ-အပိုင္းအျခားျဖစ္သတည္း

သို့ေသာ္မီဒီယာမွတဆင့္တစ္ဦးအျမန္တစ္ခ်က္အဖိနွိပ္ခံမြတ္စလင္တစ္တဖက္သတ္ဇာတ္ေျကာင္းတင္ဆက္ထားပါတယ္, အျပည့္အဝတပ္ဖြဲ့အတြင္းလစ္ဘရယ္ interventionist ideologues

၏ငိုျကြေးျပသမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ အျဖစ္မွန္မဟုတ္ဘဲပိုမိုရႈပ္ေထြးသည္။ CNN က "တစ္ဦးအစုလိုက္အျပံုလိုက္သတ္ျဖတ္မႈ" လံုးဝနီးပါးဒီဆိုး,

နွစ္ဦးစလံုးတဖက္သတ္ပဋိပကၡေျကာင္းလ်စ္လ်ူရႈျမန္မာနိုင္ငံအေပၚသြားရႈတ္ခ်အတြက္တာလီဘန္, တူရကီနွင့္ Ramzan Kadyrov ပူးေပါင္းမည္အျဖစ္ The Guardian

သတင္းစာနွင့္အယ္လ္ဂ်ာဇီးရားသတင္းဌာနကဒီလူသားမ်ိုးနြယ္အေပၚဆန့္က်င္တဲ့ရာဇဝတ္မႈေျကာင္းငိုရမည္။

Huffington Post ထဲမွာတခ်ို့ကက်ပန္းဖန္တီးမႈစာေရးဆရာနွင့္ဘေလာ့ဂါပင္ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဖို့ "တရားမွ်တမႈ" ကိုေရာက္ေစဖို့တစ္လူသားခ်င္းစာနာေထာက္ထားမႈဝင္ေရာက္စြက္ဖက္မႈေထာက္ခံ။

အျခားသူမ်ားကသူတို့၏သီလအခ်က္တြစ္တာမွ ယူ. , ဒုကၡသည္ေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာအတြက္တာ၏စံ fallback option ကိုမွအျကံျပုအပ္ပါသည္။

ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို့ကိုတခဏမ်ားအတြက္ကုလသမဂၢ၏လုပ္ပိုင္ခြင့္မ်ားကေက်ာေထာက္ေနာက္ခံျပုျမန္မာတစ္ဦးအေနာက္တိုင္းဦးေဆာင္တဲ့စစ္တပ္နွင့္လူသားခ်င္းစာနာေထာက္ထားမႈဆိုင္ရာဝင္ေရာက္စြ

က္ဖက္မႈရွိပါလိမ့္မည္ေသာ puerile စိတ္ကူးယဉ္ေမ့ေလ်ာ့ျကကုန္အံ့။ အေပၚယံဆင္တူေနစဉ္တြင္, ျမန္မာအေစာပိုင္း '' 90 အတြင္းေဘာ္လကန္မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ျမန္မာ,

အိနၵိယနွင့္တရုတ္နွစ္ဦးစလံုးနွင့္နယ္စပ္နွစ္ခုန်ူကလီးယားလက္နက္ကိုင္ျပည္နယ္မ်ား, အေနာက္ဘက္တစ္ခုမဟာမိတ္ေဟာင္းနွင့္တစ္ဦးပထဝီနိုင္ငံေရးရန္ဘက္ျပုေသာအဆံုးစြန္ေသာ။

တန္ခိုးနွစ္ဦးစလံုးမဟာဗ်ူဟာနွင့္စစ္တပ္၏အက်ိုးစီးပြားနွင့္ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံနွင့္ဆက္ဆံေရးရွိသည္, နွစ္ဦးစလံုးအားျဖင့္သဘာဝျမန္မာမွသူတို့ကိုယ္သူတို့ align လုပ္ဖို့,

ပံုမွန္အစည္းအေဝးအစၥလာမၼစ္သူပုန္ေတြကေနခံစားေနျကရသည္။

သူတို့ကိုအဘယ္သူအားမွ်အေစာပိုင္းကိုးဆယ္တစ္အားနည္းသင်္ျခိုကရုရွားကဲ့သို့ျဖစ္ျက၏, ထိုသို့ညာဘက္သူတို့ရဲ့အိမ္ေနာက္ေဖးမွာသူတို့ရဲ့အက်ိုးစီးပြား overstep

ျဖစ္နိုင္ေျကာင္းစိတ္ကူးပွင့်ပွင့်လင်းလင်းလူငယ္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို့ကိုလည္းခဏသက္သက္သာလူသားခ်င္းစာနာေထာက္ထားမႈေသာသူတို့အားထက္အျခားျမန္မာနိုင္ငံတြင္သုညအေနာက္တိုင္း geostrategic

အက်ိုးစီးပြားရွိပါတယ္လ်စ္လ်ူရႈေသာေျကာင့္မဟာဗ်ူဟာေျမာက္ယုတၱိေဗဒအန္တုျကပါစို့။

လူ့တစ္ဦးအခ်က္အခ်ာသို့လွည့္ေပးေသာတစ္ခုလံုးကိုအာဖရိကေျမာက္ပိုင္းကမ္းရိုးတန္း၏ပ်က္စီးေသာကာလ၌အီရတ္ကေနလစ္ဗ်ားနိုင္ငံလူသားခ်င္းစာနာေထာက္ထားမႈျကားဝင္တိုက္ရိုက္စစ္ေရးလုပ္

ရပ္မ်ားနွင့္နိုင္ငံတစ္နိုင္ငံ-အေဆာက္အဦး၏သမိုင္း, ဒါမွမဟုတ္ဆီးရီးယားလက္နက္ကိုင္ proxy မ်ားမွတဆင့္, အဘိုးထိုက္ေသာအက်ပ္အတည္းအဆံုးသတ္, ဒါမွမဟုတ္ပိုဆိုး

လူကုန္ကူးမႈနွင့္အျကမ္းဖက္ဝါဒ။ ဒီအက်ပ္အတည္းမွမဆိုအေရွ့အလယ္ပိုင္း-type အမ်ိုးအစားစစ္ဘက္ေျဖရွင္းခ်က္ရွိလိမ့္မည္ သို့ျဖစ္. ျမင့္မားမျဖစ္နိုင္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

အဆိုပါပိုျကီးေမးခြန္းေဆြးေနြးမႈအတြက္လံုေလာက္ေသာမသိမသာကြဲျပားသည့္ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာနွင့္ ပတ္သက္. မီဒီယာဇာတ္ေျကာင္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္သလဲ?

အဘယ်ေကြာင့်ဒီတစ္ခုအထူးသျဖင့္ျပႆနာအေျကာင္းကိုရုတ္တရက္ဒါေျခာက်ျခားဖြဈပြီးလစ္ဘရယ္ interventionist ideologues ရွိပါသလဲ
ဆန့္က်င္ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာအျကမ္းဖက္မႈမ်ား၏အယူမွား Narrative

ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား၏သမိုင္းတစ္ဦးတဖက္သတ္ပံုေဖာ္ျခင္းအျကံျပုလက္ရွိမီဒီယာအျဖစ္မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ အဆိုပါရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဂိုကာလကေနအာဖဂန္ Pathan

နွင့္အိနၵိယဘဂၤ࿿ါလီမူဆလင္မ်ား၏သားစဉ္ေျမးဆက္ျဖစ္ျကသည္။ နွိပ္စက္ညွဉ္းပန္းျခင္း၏သမိုင္းျဖစ္ေစတဦးတည္းတဖက္သတ္မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ အဆိုပါလိုမုန်းတီးေနာက္ေက်ာ Shah က Shuja

ဆယ္ခုနစ္ရာစုအတြင္း, ထို့ေနာက္အဓိကအားဗုဒၶဘာသာနွင့္ဟိနၵူခဲ့သည့္ရခိုင္ (ရခိုင္) နိုင်ငံေတ်ာသည်, ကိုေက်ာ္ယူဖို့ျကိုးစားျပီးေတာ့,

သူ့ရံႈးနိမ့္စစ္တပ္နွင့္အတူရခိုင္ျပည္သို့ထြက္ေျပးသည့္အခါေနာက္ဆံုးမဂို၏အခ်ိန္, တတ္၏။

စံဆယ်ကိုးရာစုတွင်ျဗိတိသွ်ျပန္လည္ေနရာခ်ထားေရး


အဆိုပါ Kashimiri ပန်ဒစ် 1980 ကာလအတွင်းဆိုဗီယက်အတိုက်အခံများမှအတော်လေးဆင်တူသူတို့ရဲ့မှောင်မိုက်ဟာသများအတွက်လူသိများကြသည်။

ပန်ဒစ်ကာအစ္စလာမ်မစ်လူနည်းစုလည်းမရှိသည့်အခါသူတို့ TV ပေါ်မှာသွားနှင့်လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှုဆန့်ကျင်ကလူ့အခွင့်အရေးတောင်းဆိုပြောကြပါတယ်။

တစ်ဦးအစ္စလာမ္မစ်အများစုရှိသည့်အခါမျှမကလူ့အခွင့်အရေးရှိပါတယ်။

အဆိုပါ uninitiated အဘို့, ရျှမီရီပန်ဒစ်နှောင်းပိုင်း 1980 အထိပါကစ္စတန်နယ်နိမိတ်ချင်းထိစပ်, ကက်ရှမီးယားရဲ့မြောက်ပိုင်းအိန္ဒိယဘက်ခြမ်းမှာနေထိုင်ဖို့အသုံးပြုတဲ့သူဟိန္ဒူလူနည်းစုဖြစ်ကြသည်။

ကက်ရှမီးယားပြည်နယ်အိန္ဒိယနှင့်ပါကစ္စတန်နှစ်ဦးစလုံးကြောင့်ဟုဆိုကာအတူဗြိတိသျှထံမှလွတ်လပ်ရေးရတယ်အစဉ်အဆက်ကတည်းကတွေ့တဲ့အချက်ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ 1980

စဉ်အတွင်းသုံးယောက်ဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရစစ်ပွဲများပြီးနောက်,

ပါကစ္စတန်အစိုးရကကက်ရှမီးယားစရာစစ်ရေးဖြေရှင်းချက်နှင့်တန်ခိုးကြီးအိန္ဒိယသမားရိုးကျစစ်တပ်အနေဖြင့်ကက်ရှမီးယားဒေသအနိုင်ရသို့မဟုတ်ဖမ်းယူရန်မဖြစ်နိုင်ချေရှိမယ့်ကြောင်းသိနားလည်ကြ၏



ပါကစ္စတန်ထို့နောက်ကက်ရှမီးယားအတွက်ဂျီဟတ်ဝါဒီအုပ်စုများမှလက်နက်ထောက်ပံ့ဖို့စတင်ခဲ့တယ်။

အဲဒီဟိန္ဒူထောင်ပေါင်းများစွာ၏ရာပေါင်းများစွာသူတို့ကိုထောင်ပေါင်းများစွာ၏၏အိန္ဒိယဗဟိုသို့ပိုမိုနက်ရှိုင်းထွက်ပြေးလာသောမှဦးဆောင်ဒေသတွင်း၌ဦးသေဆုံးပြီးအဓမ္မပြုကျင့်ခဲ့ကြရှိရာပြင်းထန်စွာ

underreported တိုင်းရင်းသားသန့်စင်ဖို့ဦးဆောင်သည့်သောင်းကျန်းမှုသို့ morphed ။ အိန္ဒိယ 1980

ခုနှစ်တွင်အထူးသဖြင့်တစ်ဦးစိမ်ဟိမဝန္တာနယ်စပ်နှင့်အစ္စလာမ်မစ်နှင့်လောင်းခေတ်မီလက်နက်မှန်မှန်စီးနှင့်အတူဂျီဟတ်ဝါဒီအကြမ်းဖက်မှုနှင့်စပ်စစ်ဆင်ရေး၏ထိုကဲ့သို့သောအစောပိုင်းဥပမာအားဖြင့်ကိုင်

တွယ်ဖြေရှင်းနိုငျခဲ့သည်။ ရလဒ်အဖြစ်အဆိုပါဒေသ၏အသက်အပိုင်းအခြားအပြီးတိုင်ပြောင်းလဲသွား, ကြှနျုပျတို့ ယခုဒေသ၏အရှိဆုံးမထိနျးခြုပျနိုငျပထဝီနိုင်ငံရေးပဋိပက္ခများကိုတဦးရှိသည်။

ဤသည်မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင်သမိုင်းဝင်ရိုဟင်ဂျာများ၏ပြဿနာ၏နောက်ဆုံးမီးတောက်-Up ဖို့ကျွန်တော်တို့ကိုဆောင်တတ်၏။

မကြာသေးမီကအကြမ်းဖက်မှုအစိုးရတပ်ဖွဲ့များရိုဟင်ဂျာမွတ်စလင်နဲ့အစ္စလာမ္မစ်သူပုန်များရှိရာမြန်မာနိုင်ငံရခိုင်ပြည်နယ်မြောက်ပိုင်းဒေသများတွင်ဖွင့်အလွန်ဒေါသထွက်ခဲ့သည်ဟုသိရသည်။

လူမျိုးတုံးသတ်ဖြတ်မှုနဲ့အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက်သတ်ဖြတ်နှိမ်နင်း၏စစ်စွပ်စွဲချက်များ၏မြူထဲမှာလယ်ပြင်၌ပစ္စုပ္ပန်သုညလွတ်လပ်သောမီဒီယာရင်းမြစ်များနှင့်အတူမကြာခဏ uncorroborated

များမှာပေမယ့်ပြောစရာမလိုတော့ပါဘူး, မြန်မာအစိုးရတပ်ဖွဲ့များသည်, အလွန်ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်စွာရှိပါသည်။ မည်သို့ပင်ဆိုစေ, က ISIS

အဖွဲ့များ၏ပြိုကျအတူအစ္စလာမ်မစ်ယခုယခုပြန်ဖိလစ်ပိုင်အတွက်ဖိလစ်ပိုင်အစိုးရဆန့်ကျင်တဲ့စစ်ပွဲဆင်နွဲမယ့်စည်းနှင့်အတူ၎င်းတို့၏နေအိမ်နိုင်ငံများသို့ပြန်ပြန်လာနေကြသည်တိကျစွာသောကွောငျ့,

အရေးပါသောပြဿနာဖြစ်ပါတယ်။
ဇာတ်လမ်းတစ်ခုမှာ-အပိုင်းအခြားဖြစ်သတည်း

သို့သော်မီဒီယာမှတဆင့်တစ်ဦးအမြန်တစ်ချက်အဖိနှိပ်ခံမွတ်စလင်တစ်တဖက်သတ်ဇာတ်ကြောင်းတင်ဆက်ထားပါတယ်, အပြည့်အဝတပ်ဖွဲ့အတွင်းလစ်ဘရယ် interventionist ideologues

၏ငိုကြွေးပြသမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အဖြစ်မှန်မဟုတ်ဘဲပိုမိုရှုပ်ထွေးသည်။ CNN က "တစ်ဦးအစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက်သတ်ဖြတ်မှု" လုံးဝနီးပါးဒီဆိုး,

နှစ်ဦးစလုံးတဖက်သတ်ပဋိပက္ခကြောင်းလျစ်လျူရှုမြန်မာနိုင်ငံအပေါ်သွားရှုတ်ချအတွက်တာလီဘန်, တူရကီနှင့် Ramzan Kadyrov ပူးပေါင်းမည်အဖြစ် The Guardian

သတင်းစာနှင့်အယ်လ်ဂျာဇီးရားသတင်းဌာနကဒီလူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ်ဆန့်ကျင်တဲ့ရာဇဝတ်မှုကြောင်းငိုရမည်။

Huffington Post ထဲမှာတချို့ကကျပန်းဖန်တီးမှုစာရေးဆရာနှင့်ဘလော့ဂါပင်ရိုဟင်ဂျာဖို့ "တရားမျှတမှု" ကိုရောက်စေဖို့တစ်လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဝင်ရောက်စွက်ဖက်မှုထောက်ခံ။

အခြားသူများကသူတို့၏သီလအချက်တွစ်တာမှ ယူ. , ဒုက္ခသည်ထောင်ပေါင်းများစွာအတွက်တာ၏စံ fallback option ကိုမှအကြံပြုအပ်ပါသည်။

ကျွန်တော်တို့ကိုတခဏများအတွက်ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၏လုပ်ပိုင်ခွင့်များကကျောထောက်နောက်ခံပြုမြန်မာတစ်ဦးအနောက်တိုင်းဦးဆောင်တဲ့စစ်တပ်နှင့်လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာဝင်ရောက်စွ

က်ဖက်မှုရှိပါလိမ့်မည်သော puerile စိတ်ကူးယဉ်မေ့လျော့ကြကုန်အံ့။ အပေါ်ယံဆင်တူနေစဉ်တွင်, မြန်မာအစောပိုင်း '' 90 အတွင်းဘော်လကန်မဟုတ်ပါဘူး။ မြန်မာ,

အိန္ဒိယနှင့်တရုတ်နှစ်ဦးစလုံးနှင့်နယ်စပ်နှစ်ခုနျူကလီးယားလက်နက်ကိုင်ပြည်နယ်များ, အနောက်ဘက်တစ်ခုမဟာမိတ်ဟောင်းနှင့်တစ်ဦးပထဝီနိုင်ငံရေးရန်ဘက်ပြုသောအဆုံးစွန်သော။

တန်ခိုးနှစ်ဦးစလုံးမဟာဗျူဟာနှင့်စစ်တပ်၏အကျိုးစီးပွားနှင့်မြန်မာနိုင်ငံနှင့်ဆက်ဆံရေးရှိသည်, နှစ်ဦးစလုံးအားဖြင့်သဘာဝမြန်မာမှသူတို့ကိုယ်သူတို့ align လုပ်ဖို့,

ပုံမှန်အစည်းအဝေးအစ္စလာမ္မစ်သူပုန်တွေကနေခံစားနေကြရသည်။

သူတို့ကိုအဘယ်သူအားမျှအစောပိုင်းကိုးဆယ်တစ်အားနည်းသင်ျခြိုကရုရှားကဲ့သို့ဖြစ်ကြ၏, ထိုသို့ညာဘက်သူတို့ရဲ့အိမ်နောက်ဖေးမှာသူတို့ရဲ့အကျိုးစီးပွား overstep

ဖြစ်နိုင်ကြောင်းစိတ်ကူးပှငျ့ပှငျ့လငျးလငျးလူငယ်ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။

ကျွန်တော်တို့ကိုလည်းခဏသက်သက်သာလူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုသောသူတို့အားထက်အခြားမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင်သုညအနောက်တိုင်း geostrategic

အကျိုးစီးပွားရှိပါတယ်လျစ်လျူရှုသောကြောင့်မဟာဗျူဟာမြောက်ယုတ္တိဗေဒအန်တုကြပါစို့။

လူ့တစ်ဦးအချက်အချာသို့လှည့်ပေးသောတစ်ခုလုံးကိုအာဖရိကမြောက်ပိုင်းကမ်းရိုးတန်း၏ပျက်စီးသောကာလ၌အီရတ်ကနေလစ်ဗျားနိုင်ငံလူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုကြားဝင်တိုက်ရိုက်စစ်ရေးလုပ်

ရပ်များနှင့်နိုင်ငံတစ်နိုင်ငံ-အဆောက်အဦး၏သမိုင်း, ဒါမှမဟုတ်ဆီးရီးယားလက်နက်ကိုင် proxy များမှတဆင့်, အဘိုးထိုက်သောအကျပ်အတည်းအဆုံးသတ်, ဒါမှမဟုတ်ပိုဆိုး

လူကုန်ကူးမှုနှင့်အကြမ်းဖက်ဝါဒ။ ဒီအကျပ်အတည်းမှမဆိုအရှေ့အလယ်ပိုင်း-type အမျိုးအစားစစ်ဘက်ဖြေရှင်းချက်ရှိလိမ့်မည် သို့ဖြစ်. မြင့်မားမဖြစ်နိုင်ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။

အဆိုပါပိုကြီးမေးခွန်းဆွေးနွေးမှုအတွက်လုံလောက်သောမသိမသာကွဲပြားသည့်ရိုဟင်ဂျာနှင့် ပတ်သက်. မီဒီယာဇာတ်ကြောင်းဖြစ်ပါတယ်သလဲ?

အဘယျကွောငျ့ဒီတစ်ခုအထူးသဖြင့်ပြဿနာအကြောင်းကိုရုတ်တရက်ဒါခြောကျခြားဖွစျပွီးလစ်ဘရယ် interventionist ideologues ရှိပါသလဲ
ဆန့်ကျင်ရိုဟင်ဂျာအကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ၏အယူမှား Narrative

ရိုဟင်ဂျာများ၏သမိုင်းတစ်ဦးတဖက်သတ်ပုံဖော်ခြင်းအကြံပြုလက်ရှိမီဒီယာအဖြစ်မဟုတ်ပါဘူး။ အဆိုပါရိုဟင်ဂျာဂိုကာလကနေအာဖဂန် Pathan

နှင့်အိန္ဒိယဘင်္ဂါလီမူဆလင်များ၏သားစဉ်မြေးဆက်ဖြစ်ကြသည်။ နှိပ်စက်ညှဉ်းပန်းခြင်း၏သမိုင်းဖြစ်စေတဦးတည်းတဖက်သတ်မဟုတ်ပါဘူး။ အဆိုပါလိုမုနျးတီးနောက်ကျော Shah က Shuja

ဆယ်ခုနစ်ရာစုအတွင်း, ထို့နောက်အဓိကအားဗုဒ္ဓဘာသာနှင့်ဟိန္ဒူခဲ့သည့်ရခိုင် (ရခိုင်) နိုငျငံတျောသညျ, ကိုကျော်ယူဖို့ကြိုးစားပြီးတော့,

သူ့ရှုံးနိမ့်စစ်တပ်နှင့်အတူရခိုင်ပြည်သို့ထွက်ပြေးသည့်အခါနောက်ဆုံးမဂို၏အချိန်, တတ်၏။

စံဆယျကိုးရာစုတှငျဗြိတိသျှပြန်လည်နေရာချထားရေး


3:54 The Cars - Drive - Who's Gonna Drive You Home - Lyrics 05vs1 14M views 6:12 ENIGMA " Mea Culpa" (platinum version) corrado24 Recommended for you 4:55 Aerosmith Armageddon I dont want to miss a thing Beautifully Melodic 134M views 5:00 Phil Collins - Another Day In Paradise - Lyrics 05vs1 5.6M views 4:10 Ellie Goulding - Love Me Like You Do (Official Video) elliegoulding 1.7B views 6:03 Jennifer Rush - Power Of Love (extended) Aralis I 62M views 3:53 Joe Cocker & Jennifer Warnes - Up Where We Belong (Officer, Gentleman & Top Gun) fkwk101 7M views Roxette - It Must Have Been Love Roxette 312M views Shania Twain - From This Moment On Shania Twain 158M views Guns N' Roses - November Rain GunsNRosesVEVO 985M views Roxette - It Must Have Been Love - Lyrics 05vs1 2.6M views Titanic Theme Song • My Heart Will Go On • Celine Dion HD Film Tributes 133M views Bryan Adams - Heaven Bryan Adams 89M views George Michael - Careless Whisper (Official Video) georgemichael 363M views Madonna - La Isla Bonita madonna 8.4M views Righteous Brothers - UNCHAINED MELODY - GHOST dex2oo8 64M views Berlin - Take My Breathe Away theme from Top Gun with Lyrics

Feng Timo Concert ~ Douyu Carnival 2018

...
Recently she was ill (pneumonia & cough), She insisted on participating in this concert. Song List (8 songs): 1、刚好遇见你 (Metting you) 2、玻璃糖 (Glass sugar) 3、你把我灌醉 (You got me drunk) 4、再见前任 (Goodbye Ex) 5、空港 (The Airport) 6、佛系少女 (Zen Girl) 7、哼 (Humph) 8、沈洁洁 (Shen jiejie)

Thursday, May 24, 2018

ရခို္င္ျပည္နယ္မွာ ARSA အၾကမ္းဖက္အဖြဲ႔ရဲ႕ လူအစုလိုက္အျပံဳလုိက္ သတ္ျဖတ္မႈ အစီရင္ခံစာ AI ထုတ္ျပန္

FINALLY, TRUE STORIES CAME OUT!

WHY SO LATE 10 M0NTH?

"TRURH WILL UTIMATELY PREVAIL WHERE THERE IS PAINS TO BRING IT TO LIGHT"

ARSA အၾကမ္းဖက္အဖြဲ႔ရဲ႕ လူအစုလိုက္အျပံဳလုိက္ သတ္ျဖတ္မႈ အစီရင္ခံစာ


ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္မွာ ၿပီးခဲ့ႏွစ္က ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ၇ သိန္းေလာက္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏိုင္ငံမွာ ထြက္ေျပးခဲ့ရတဲ့အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြ ျဖစ္ပြားရာမွာ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္က နယ္ေျမရွင္းလင္းေရးေတြလုပ္ခဲ့သလို ARSA ေခၚ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာအၾကမ္းဖက္အဖြဲ႔ကလည္း ဟိႏၵဴဘာသာဝင္ ဒါဇင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကို ရက္ရက္စက္စက္သတ္ခဲ့တယ္လို႔ Amnesty International လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအဖဲြ႔ႀကီးက အဂၤါေန႔မွာ အစီရင္ခံစာတေစာင္ ထုတ္ျပန္ေျပာဆိုလိုက္ပါတယ္။ အခုလို ၂ ဖက္စလံုးက က်ဴးလြန္ခဲ့တဲ့အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြကို အေရးယူႏိုင္ဖို႔အတြက္ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ကို သတင္းမီဒီယာေတြနဲ႔ စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေရးအဖြဲ႔ေတြ လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္သြားေရာက္ခြင့္ျပဳဖို႔လည္း အဖြဲ႔အစည္းက ေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေဒၚလွလွသန္းက တင္ျပေပးမွာပါ။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္မွာ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလက္နက္ကိုင္အုပ္စုက လူေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကို အစုလိုက္အျပဳံလိုက္ သတ္ျဖတ္ခဲ့တယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သက္ေသအေထာက္အထားအသစ္ေတြ ေတြ႔ရွိရတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ ေခါင္းစဥ္နဲ႔ Amnesty International အဖြဲ႔က အဂၤါေန႔က အစီရင္ခံစာ ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ၂၀၁၇ ၾသဂုတ္လက ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ပိုင္း ေမာင္ေတာေဒသ အေနာက္ပိုင္းရွိ ခေမာင္းဆိပ္ေက်း႐ြာမွာ ဟိႏၵဴ အမ်ဳိးသား ၂၀ အမ်ဳိးသမီး၁၀ ဦး ၊ ကေလး ၂၃ ဦးနဲ႔ အသက္ ၈ ႏွစ္ေအာက္အရြယ္ ကေလး ၁၄ ဦးတို႔ကို ARSA အၾကမ္းဖက္အဖြဲ႔က ရက္ရက္စက္စက္ သတ္ျဖတ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။
ဒီသတ္ျဖတ္မႈနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔ Amnesty International နဲ႔ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ ျမန္မာ ၂ ႏိုင္ငံစလံုးမွာ လာေရာက္ေတြ႔ဆံုေမးျမန္းခန္းေတြ ရခဲ့တယ္လို႔ Amnesty International ရဲ႕ အစီရင္ခံစာ ျပဳစုသူ Matthew Wells ကေျပာပါတယ္။
“က်ေနာ္တို႔က နယ္စပ္၂ ဖက္စလံုးမွာ ေတြ႔ဆံုေမးျမန္းခြင့္ရခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ARSA အဖြဲ႔ရဲ႕ သတ္ျဖတ္မႈေတြကို ေလ့လာခြင့္ရခဲ့တယ္။ ARSA အၾကမ္းဖက္အဖြဲ႔ရဲ႕ သတ္ျဖတ္မႈက လႊတ္ေျမာက္ လာခဲ့တဲ့ အမ်ိဳးသမီးတခ်ိဳ႕ကို ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ စက္တင္ဘာလက ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းမွာ ေတြ႔ဆံုခြင့္ရခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ႔ ဧၿပီလ ေႏွာင္းပိုင္းတုန္းကေတာ့ ရခုိင္စစ္ေတြမွာ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေဘးကေန လႊတ္ေျမာက္လာတဲ့ ဟိႏၵဴဘာသာ၀င္ေတြ၊ ၿမိဳ၊ ခမီ စတာေတြကို ေမးျမန္းခြင့္ရခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေျပာျပခ်က္ေတြက ခိုင္လံုေနတာကို ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ သူတို႔ကို တိုက္ခိုက္တဲ့ရြာနားက ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကို သူတို႔ မွတ္မိေနတာကို ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ ဟိႏၵဴအမ်ိဳးသမီးေတြေျပာျပတာက ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္မွာရွိတဲ့ တခ်ိဳ႕ေက်းရြာေတြမွာ ARSA တိုက္ခိုက္ခံရသူေတြ ေျပာတာနဲ႔ ကိုက္ညီေနတာကို ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ ဒါေတြကိုစုေပါင္းၿပီးေတာ့ အေလာင္းေတြကို ေဆးပညာပိုင္းအရ စစ္ေဆးေတြ႔ရွိလာတဲ့ အေထာက္အထားေတြနဲ႔ ေပါင္းၿပီးေတာ့ ခိုင္လံုတာကို ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။”
အခုလို Amnesty ရဲ႕အစီရင္ခံစာဟာ ရခိုင္ျပည္ေျမာက္ပိုငး္မွာ သတင္းေဖာ္ျပျခင္း နည္းပါးေနတဲ့ ARSA အၾကမ္းဖက္အဖြဲ႔ရဲ႕ ရက္စက္မႈေတြအေၾကာင္း မီးေမွာင္းထိုးျပရာေရာက္တယ္လို႔ Amnesty International ကေျပာပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ Amnesty အေနနဲ႔ ဒီအစီရင္ခံစာ ျပဳစုရာမွာ ျမန္မာအာဏာပိုင္ေတြဘက္က အခင္းျဖစ္ပြားရာ အေနာက္ခေမာင္းဆိပ္ေက်း႐ြာကို သြားေရာက္ခြင့္မျပဳပဲ စစ္ေတြမွာသာ ဟိႏၵဴေတြနဲ႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုခြင့္ျပဳခဲ့တယ္လို႔ Amnesty က ေထာက္ျပခဲ့ပါတယ္။
Matthew Wells က
“Amnesty International အေနနဲ႔ ေျမာက္ပိုင္း ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ကို သြားေရာက္ခြင့္အၾကိမ္ၾကိမ္ေတာင္းခဲ့ေပမယ့္လည္း ျမန္မာအာဏာပိုင္ေတြဘက္က ခြင့္မျပဳခဲ့ပါဘူး။ စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးမႈေတြကိုေရာ အေထာက္အထားေတြကိုပါ လုပ္ခြင့္မျပဳခဲ့ပါဘူး။ က်ေနာ္တို႔က စစ္ေတြကို သြားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ ရခိုင္ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းဟိႏၵဴဘာသာ၀င္ ၅၀ ေလာက္ကို ေခၚၿပီး သူတို႔တဦးခ်င္းစီ အျဖစ္အပ်က္ေတြကို ေတြ႔ဆံုေမးျမန္းပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ရခိုင္ေျမာက္ပိုင္းကိုေတာ့ သြားခြင့္မျပဳခဲ့ပါဘူး။ ဒီအစီရင္ခံစာကို ၾကည့္ျခင္းအားျဖင့္ စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးခြင့္ေပးဖို႔ အေရးႀကီးတာကို ျပသရာေ၇ာက္ေနပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ဒီသတင္းကို လိုက္ေနတာ လနဲ႔ခ်ီၿပီးေတာ့ ၾကာေနပါၿပီ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့လကမွ ေတြ႔ဆံုခြင့္ရခဲ႔တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တကယ္ျဖစ္ပြားတဲ့ေနရာကိုေရာက္မယ္ဆိုရင္ အမွန္ကို ေဖာ္ထုတ္ႏိုင္မွာပါ။”
အခုလို ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာအၾကမ္းဖက္အဖြဲ႔ရဲ႕ တိုက္ခိုက္မႈေတြ ထိထိေရာက္ေရာက္ အေရးယူႏိုင္ဖို႔ စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးမႈေတြျပဳႏိုင္ဖို႔ အေရးႀကီးသလို ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ကို သိန္းနဲ႔ခ်ီၿပီးထြက္ေျပးခဲ့တဲ့ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ နယ္ေျမရွင္းလင္းေရးလုပ္ရပ္ေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔လဲ တိတိက်က် အေရးယူႏိုင္ဖို႔ အေရးႀကီးတဲ့အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ ရခိုင္ျပည္ေျမာက္ပိုင္းကို ႏိုင္ငံတကာအဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြအပါအ၀င္ ကုလစံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေရးအဖြဲ႔ေတြ သြားေရာက္ခြင့္ျပဳသင့္တယ္လို႔ Amnesty က တိုက္တြန္းပါတယ္။
“ျမန္မာအစိုးရအေနနဲ႔ ARSA အၾကမ္းဖက္အဖြဲ႔ရဲ႕ က်ဴးလြန္မႈေတြအေၾကာင္း အခိုင္အမာ မွတ္တမ္းတင္ၿပီးေတာ့ ထိထိေရာက္ေရာက္အေရးယူေစခ်င္တယ္ဆိုရင္ အခင္းျဖစ္ပြားတဲ့ေနရာကို အကန္႔အသတ္မရွိ သတင္းမီဒီယာေတြနဲ႔ စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေရးအဖြဲ႔ေတြကို သြားခြင့္ျပဳသင့္ပါတယ္။ အလားတူပဲ ARSA တိုက္ခိုက္မႈေတြကို တံု႔ျပန္ရာမွာျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ နယ္ေျမရွင္းလင္းေရးေတြဟာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာအဆိုအရ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကို လူသားမ်ိဳးႏြယ္အေပၚျပစ္မႈက်ဴးလြန္ရာေရာက္တဲ့ အတြက္လည္း ဒီ ၂ ဖက္စလံုးက က်ဴးလြန္သူေတြကို အေရးယူႏိုင္ဖို႔ အျပည့္အ၀ စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးႏိုင္ဖို႔ သတင္းေထာက္ေတြ၊Amnesty လို ႏိုင္ငံတကာအဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြ ကုလရဲ႕ ရွာေဖြေရးအဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြကို သြားေရာက္ခြင့္ျပဳသင့္ပါတယ္။”
မၾကာေသးမီက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို သြားေရာက္ခဲ့တဲ့ လံုၿခံဳေရးေကာင္စီအဖြဲ႔၀င္ေတြရဲ႕ ခရီးစဥ္နဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔ လံုၿခံဳေရးေကာင္စီမွာ မၾကာေသးမီက က်င္းပခဲ့တဲ့ အစည္းအေ၀းအတြင္းမွာလည္း ကုလသမဂၢဆိုင္ရာ ျမန္မာသံအမတ္ၾကီးေဟာက္ဒိုစြမ္းက ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္မွာ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့တဲ့ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ARSA အၾကမ္းဖက္သမားေတြရဲ႕ လုပ္ရပ္ေတြကိုလည္း ႏိုင္ငံတကာက စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးသင့္တယ္လို႔ တိုက္တြန္းခဲ့ပါတယ္။
Ref:https://burmese.voanews.com/a/arsa-massacred-in-rakhine-state-/4405571.html


Amnesty report confirms massacre of Hindus by Rohingya terrorists in Myanmar


Myanmar: New evidence reveals Rohingya armed group massacred scores in Rakhine State




New evidence reveals Rohingya armed group massacred scores in Rakhine State

A Rohingya armed group brandishing guns and swords is responsible for at least one, and potentially a second, massacre of up to 99 Hindu women, men, and children as well as additional unlawful killings and abductions of Hindu villagers in August 2017, Amnesty International revealed today after carrying out a detailed investigation inside Myanmar’s Rakhine State.

Based on dozens of interviews conducted there and across the border in Bangladesh, as well as photographic evidence analyzed by forensic pathologists, the organization revealed how Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) fighters sowed fear among Hindus and other ethnic communities with these brutal attacks.

“Our latest investigation on the ground sheds much-needed light on the largely under-reported human rights abuses by ARSA during northern Rakhine State’s unspeakably dark recent history,” said Tirana Hassan, Crisis Response Director at Amnesty International.
Our latest investigation on the ground sheds much-needed light on the largely under-reported human rights abuses by ARSA during northern Rakhine State’s unspeakably dark recent history.











Tirana Hassan, Crisis Response Director at Amnesty International
“It’s hard to ignore the sheer brutality of ARSA’s actions, which have left an indelible impression on the survivors we’ve spoken to. Accountability for these atrocities is every bit as crucial as it is for the crimes against humanity carried out by Myanmar’s security forces in northern Rakhine State.”

Massacre in Kha Maung Seik

At around 8am on 25 August 2017, ARSA attacked the Hindu community in the village of Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik, in a cluster of villages known as Kha Maung Seik in northern Maungdaw Township. At the time of the attack, the Hindu villagers lived in close proximity to Rohingya villagers, who are predominantly Muslim. Rakhine villagers, who are predominantly Buddhist, also lived in the same area.











ARSA militants in Myanmar's Rakhine State. © @ARSA_official via Twitter
Armed men dressed in black and local Rohingya villagers in plain clothes rounded up dozens of Hindu women, men and children. They robbed, bound, and blindfolded them before marching them to the outskirts of the village, where they separated the men from the women and young children. A few hours later, the ARSA fighters killed 53 of the Hindus, execution-style, starting with the men.

Eight Hindu women and eight of their children were abducted and spared, after ARSA fighters forced the women to agree to “convert” to Islam. The survivors were forced to flee with the fighters to Bangladesh several days later, before being repatriated to Myanmar in October 2017 with the support of the Bangladeshi and Myanmar authorities.
[The men] held knives and long iron rods. They tied our hands behind our backs and blindfolded us. I asked what they were doing. One of them replied, ‘You and Rakhine are the same, you have a different religion, you can’t live here. He spoke the [Rohingya] language. They asked what belongings we had, then they beat us. Eventually I gave them my gold and money.











Bina Bala, a 22-year-old survivor of an ARSA massacre
Bina Bala, a 22-year-old woman who survived the massacre, told Amnesty International:

“[The men] held knives and long iron rods. They tied our hands behind our backs and blindfolded us. I asked what they were doing. One of them replied, ‘You and Rakhine are the same, you have a different religion, you can’t live here. He spoke the [Rohingya] language. They asked what belongings we had, then they beat us. Eventually I gave them my gold and money.”











Bina Bala, a 22-year-old woman who survived a massacre of Hindu villagers by the armed group, Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on 25 August 2017.
Bina Bala, a 22-year-old woman who survived a massacre of Hindu villagers by the armed group, Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on 25 August 2017. © Andrew Stanbridge/Amnesty International

All eight survivors interviewed by Amnesty International said they either saw Hindu relatives being killed or heard their screams. Raj Kumari, 18, said: “They slaughtered the men. We were told not to look at them … They had knives. They also had some spades and iron rods. … We hid ourselves in the shrubs there and were able to see a little … My uncle, my father, my brother – they were all slaughtered.”

Formila, around 20, told Amnesty International that she did not see when the Hindu men were killed, but that the fighters “came back with blood on their swords, and blood on their hands” and told the women the men had been killed. Later, as Formila and the other seven abducted women were being marched away, she turned back and saw ARSA fighters kill the other women and children. “I saw men holding the heads and hair [of the women] and others were holding knives. And then they cut their throats,” she said.

According to a detailed list of the dead, given to Amnesty International, the victims from Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik include 20 men, 10 women, and 23 children, 14 of whom were under the age of eight. This is consistent with multiple testimonies the organization gathered in both Bangladesh and Myanmar, from survivors and witnesses as well as Hindu community leaders.











Part of a list given to Amnesty International by Hindu community leaders, giving details of 100 Hindus killed in two massacres in the Kha Maung Seik cluster of villages in Myanmar's northern Rakhine State on 25 August 2017.
Part of a list given to Amnesty International by Hindu community leaders, giving details of 100 Hindus killed in two massacres in the Kha Maung Seik cluster of villages in Myanmar's northern Rakhine State on 25 August 2017. © Private
The same day, all of the 46 Hindu men, women, and children in the neighbouring village of Ye Bauk Kyar disappeared. Members of the Hindu community in northern Rakhine State presume the community was killed by the same ARSA fighters. Combined with those from Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik, the total death toll is believed to be 99.  

The bodies of 45 people from Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik were unearthed in four mass graves in late September 2017. The remains of the rest of the victims from that village, as well as all 46 from Ye Bauk Kyar, have not been found to date.
In this brutal and senseless act, members of ARSA captured scores of Hindu women, men, and children and terrorized them before slaughtering them outside their own villages. The perpetrators of this heinous crime must be held to account.











Tirana Hassan
“In this brutal and senseless act, members of ARSA captured scores of Hindu women, men, and children and terrorized them before slaughtering them outside their own villages. The perpetrators of this heinous crime must be held to account,” said Tirana Hassan.

ARSA’s other unlawful killings of Hindus

Amnesty International has also documented ARSA’s involvement in other killings and violent attacks against members of other ethnic and religious communities.

On 26 August 2017, ARSA members killed six Hindus – two women, a man, and three children – and injured another Hindu woman on the outskirts of Maungdaw town, near Myo Thu Gyi village.

Kor Mor La, 25, was one of two women who survived the attack, along with four children. Her husband Na Ra Yan, 30, and five-year-old daughter Shu Nan Daw were both killed. “The people who shot us were dressed in black. … I couldn’t see their faces, only their eyes. … They had long guns and swords,” Kor Mor Lar said. “My husband was shot next to me. I was shot [in the chest]. After that I was barely conscious.”

The killings came just days after ARSA fighters unleashed a series of attacks on around 30 Myanmar security posts on 25 August 2017, prompting an unlawful and grossly disproportionate campaign of violence by Myanmar’s security forces. Amnesty International and others have documented in detail how this campaign was marked by killings, rape and other sexual violence, torture, village burning, forced starvation tactics, and other violations which constitute crimes against humanity under international law. More than 693,000 Rohingya people were forced to flee to Bangladesh, where they still remain.

Tens of thousands of people from other ethnic and religious communities were also displaced within Rakhine State during the violence. Although most have returned to their homes, some continue to live in temporary shelters, either because their homes were destroyed or because they fear further ARSA attacks if they return to their villages.

Independent investigations needed

The Myanmar government cannot criticize the international community as being one-sided while at the same time denying access to northern Rakhine State. The full extent of ARSA’s abuses and the Myanmar military’s violations will not be known until independent human rights investigators, including the UN Fact-Finding mission, are given full and unfettered access to Rakhine State.











Tirana Hassan
“ARSA’s appalling attacks were followed by the Myanmar military’s ethnic cleansing campaign against the Rohingya population as a whole. Both must be condemned – human rights violations or abuses by one side never justify abuses or violations by the other,” said Tirana Hassan.

“All the survivors and victims’ families have the right to justice, truth, and reparation for the immense harm they have suffered.”

At a UN Security Council meeting last week, Myanmar’s permanent representative criticized some in the UN for only listening to “one side” of the story and failing to acknowledge abuses committed by ARSA.

“The Myanmar government cannot criticize the international community as being one-sided while at the same time denying access to northern Rakhine State. The full extent of ARSA’s abuses and the Myanmar military’s violations will not be known until independent human rights investigators, including the UN Fact-Finding mission, are given full and unfettered access to Rakhine State,” said Tirana Hassan.



Briefing: Attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on Hindus in northern Rakhine State

Early in the morning of 25 August 2017, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), a Rohingya armed group, attacked around 30 security force outposts in northern Rakhine State. The attacks, which were carefully planned and coordinated, came just hours after the release of the final report of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, led by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, which had been tasked with identifying solutions for peace and development in one of Myanmar’s most underdeveloped and volatile regions.[1] In the days that followed, ARSA fighters, along with some mobilized Rohingya villagers, engaged in scores of clashes with security forces.[2]
The Myanmar security forces, and in particular the military, responded to the attacks and subsequent clashes with an unlawful and grossly disproportionate campaign of violence marked by killings, rape and other sexual violence, torture,[3] village burning, forced starvation tactics, and other human rights violations and crimes under international law, all of which has been well documented by Amnesty International and others.[4] The military’s attacks, which targeted the entire Rohingya population living in northern Rakhine State, have been both widespread and systematic, constituting crimes against humanity under international law. To date, some 693,000 Rohingya have been forced to flee to Bangladesh.[5]
Also known as Harakah al-Yaqin, or “the faith movement”, ARSA first came to prominence in October 2016 after launching similar, albeit smaller-scale, attacks on border police posts in northern Rakhine State, prompting a disproportionate military response also amounting to crimes against humanity.[6] The group was established in the aftermath of violence between Buddhist and Muslim communities in Rakhine State in 2012 and is comprised of a core group of trained fighters, estimated as in the hundreds, with access to small firearms and some home-made explosives. On 25 August, ARSA mobilized a large number of Rohingya villagers – likely around several thousand. The villagers were overwhelmingly armed with bladed weapons or sticks.[7] While Amnesty International has confirmed that some Rohingya villagers participated in ARSA attacks, the overwhelming majority of Rohingya did not. Even in the specific villages where attacks occurred, there is no question that most villagers did not take part in ARSA attacks.
Amnesty International has documented serious human rights abuses committed by ARSA during and after the attacks in late August 2017. This briefing focuses on serious crimes – including unlawful killings and abductions – carried out by ARSA fighters against the Hindu community living in northern Rakhine State. At the time of the unlawful killings, none of the victims were armed or endangering the lives of ARSA fighters or other Rohingya. In the refugee camps in Bangladesh in September 2017, Amnesty International conducted 12 interviews with members of the Hindu community who left Myanmar during the violence. In April 2018, Amnesty International conducted research in Sittwe, Myanmar on ARSA abuses and attacks, interviewing 10 additional people from the Hindu community and 33 people from ethnic Rakhine, Khami, Mro, and Thet communities, all of whom were from northern Rakhine State. Six more people from an area where Hindu killings occurred were interviewed by phone from outside the region in May 2018.
The full extent of human rights abuses by ARSA is difficult to determine, in large part because the Myanmar authorities continue to restrict access to northern Rakhine State. Access restrictions have made it extremely difficult for members of all ethnic minorities and religious communities still living in the region to speak about their experiences and to get the support and assistance they require. In addition, those who speak about ARSA abuses face threats and intimidation from the group. The killing of Rohingya suspected of acting as government informers throughout 2017, and reports of ARSA-related killings in the refugee camps in Bangladesh, have only heightened such fears.[8]

MASSACRE IN KHA MAUNG SEIK VILLAGE TRACT 

At around 8 a.m. on 25 August 2017, ARSA attacked the Hindu community in the village of Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik, located in Kha Maung Seik village tract in northern Maungdaw Township. ARSA fighters, some of whom were dressed in black and others dressed in ordinary clothing, rounded up all 69 Hindu men, women, and children present in the village at the time. A few hours later, ARSA fighters killed, execution-style, the vast majority of them, and abducted the rest.
The same day, the Hindu community present in the neighbouring village of Ye Bauk Kyar – 46 men, women, and children – disappeared. To date, their fate and whereabouts remains unknown. Relatives and other members of the Hindu community in northern Rakhine State told Amnesty International that they presume the entire group was killed by the same perpetrators.[9]
Kha Maung Seik is a mixed-ethnicity and religion village tract, home to Hindu, Rohingya, and ethnic Rakhine villagers, all of whom lived in close proximity. Amnesty International conducted in-depth interviews in a Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh in September 2017, and in the Rakhine State capital of Sittwe, Myanmar in April 2018, and by telephone in May 2018 with eight survivors, five family members of victims, three men who were part of the group that uncovered the mass graves, and several witnesses to related events in and around Kha Maung Seik, including ARSA attacks and the movements of Myanmar security forces.[10]
“[It was morning], I was praying at the time,” recalled 22-year-old Bina Bala,[11] who was one of eight women abducted and taken to Bangladesh by ARSA fighters. “They came to our house. Some were wearing black and others were wearing normal clothes … I recognized them [from the village].[12]
Bina Bala said the men confiscated the family’s mobile phones before ordering them out in to the courtyard, where other Hindu villagers were also being gathered. She told Amnesty International, “[The men] held knives and long iron rods. They tied our hands behind our backs and blindfolded us. I asked what they were doing. One of them replied, ‘You and [ethnic] Rakhine are the same, you have a different religion, you can’t live here’. He spoke the [Rohingya] dialect. They asked what belongings we had, then they beat us. Eventually I gave them my gold and money.[13]
Rika Dhar, 24, was also at home with her family at the time of the attack. “We didn’t have a chance to run,” she told Amnesty International. “Muslim people took our gold. … I was blindfolded, and they tied my hands behind my back.”[14] Like other women Amnesty International interviewed, Rika Dhar said she knew some of the attackers, who were members of the Rohingya community living in Kha Maung Seik village tract.
After binding, robbing, and blindfolding the Hindu villagers, ARSA fighters marched them to a creek area on the outskirts of the village. There, the fighters sat the villagers down and burned their ID cards, which they had confiscated earlier. They then divided the men from the women and children, and brought the women into the forest.[15]
The fighters killed, execution-style, 53 of the Hindus from Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik, according to a list of the dead seen by Amnesty International that is consistent with testimony from survivors, other Kha Maung Seik residents, and Hindu community leaders. The victims include 20 men, 10 women, and 23 children, 14 of who were under the age of 8.[16] Only 16 people – eight women and eight of their children – survived, their lives spared on the condition that the women agreed to “convert” from Hinduism to Islam and then marry people selected by ARSA fighters.[17]
According to all eight survivors, the ARSA fighters took the men away and killed them. Formila, around 20, told Amnesty International that “the Muslim men came back with blood on their swords, and blood on their hands. They told us that they had killed our husbands and the village headman.”[18] Raj Kumari, 18, said: “They slaughtered the men. We were told not to look at them … They had knives. They also had some spades and iron rods. … We hid ourselves in the shrubs there and were able to see a little. My uncle, my father, my brother – they were all slaughtered. … After slaughtering the men, the women were also slaughtered.”[19]
Shortly after, a group of about 10 to 15 fighters took the eight survivors and their children and removed them from the larger group. The fighters then began to kill the other women and children. Two of the survivors – Aur Nika, around 18; and Formila – told Amnesty International that, as the fighters were leading them away, they looked back and saw women being killed.[20] Formila recalled, “I saw some Muslim men kill Hindu women. Then I cried. … I saw men holding the heads and hair [of the women] and others were holding knives. And then they cut their throats,” she said.[21] Bina Bala told Amnesty International that although she did not see the killings, she heard women and children screaming shortly after being taken away.[22]
The 16 survivors were held captive inside a house in the area for two nights, before being forced to flee alongside their captors to the Kutupalong refugee camp in Bangladesh.[23] According to five of the women, the group fled the same day helicopters were seen flying over the village.[24] The presence of helicopters in the area at the time was separately corroborated by San Nyunt, the Village Administrator from neighbouring Min Kha Maung; and by Shawlyee Shawltee, a 20-year-old woman who lived in Kha Maung Seik village tract but who had left her village on 24 August and was taking shelter in BGP post in Ah Shey Kha Maung Seik village at the time of the massacre.[25]
Shortly after arriving in Bangladesh on 28 August, the eight Hindu women were forced to make a false statement on video, claiming that the massacre had been carried out by ethnic Rakhine villagers.[26][One of the kidnappers] told us that if anyone asks we should say that the Rakhine and the military attacked us,” recalled Bina Bala. “He said if people come to interview you, you must say this or you will be killed.” [27] Soon after the video was posted on Facebook, members of the Hindu community in northern Rakhine State alerted friends in Bangladesh who proceeded to locate the survivors. The survivors were then relocated to a camp designated for Hindu refugees, where they were eventually protected by Bangladeshi security forces.[28] In early October, all sixteen survivors were repatriated to Myanmar with the support of the Bangladeshi and Myanmar authorities.[29]
On 23 September, members of the Hindu community in northern Rakhine State and members of the Myanmar security forces travelled to the site of the massacre and, over the course of two days, unearthed four mass graves, which in total contained the remains of 45 people.[30] On 27 September, the government temporarily lifted its ban on access to the area and brought local and international journalists to visit the site of the mass graves.[31]
According to the list that identified by name, biographical data, and village the 99 Hindus reportedly killed, given to Amnesty International by Hindu community leaders, all of the 45 excavated bodies have been identified as people from Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik or people who were visiting Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik at the time of the attack.[32] The bodies of the other eight people killed from Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik have not been found; according to the list of those killed, seven of those eight were young children – including four who were under three months old.[33] The fate and whereabouts of villagers from Ye Bauk Kyar remain unknown, although they are presumed to have been killed by the same perpetrators.
In a press statement posted on its Twitter account and in responses to media inquiries, ARSA has denied any involvement in the incident.[34] The Myanmar authorities’ restrictions on access mean no independent journalist or human rights investigator has been granted unfettered access to Kha Maung Seik and the surrounding areas. 
Several of the survivors, including at least three of the eight interviewed by Amnesty International, have been interviewed multiple times by different media organizations. The vast majority of these interviews took place either in the Bangladesh refugee camps during the days after the women were rescued, or in Myanmar in the weeks after the mass graves were uncovered. Over the course of these interviews, the women provided accounts which were at times inconsistent with the testimony of other survivors and even contradicted their own previous statements.
As noted, the survivors’ initial declaration on video in Bangladesh placed the blame for the killings on ethnic Rakhine villagers,[35] as they did several days later in interviews with Reuters.[36] In subsequent interviews in Bangladesh with media and with Amnesty International, the survivors were at times equivocal about the identity of the perpetrators, and other times said it was ARSA, “Rohingya,” or “Muslims”; throughout this period, they typically described attackers as wearing black.[37] On their return to Myanmar, survivors unambiguously asserted that Rohingya, believed to be ARSA fighters, were responsible.[38] The survivors’ evolving stories made it difficult for journalists and human rights investigators – including Amnesty International – to come to a conclusion about the facts.
After careful review of evidence obtained in Bangladesh and Rakhine State, Amnesty International has concluded that ARSA fighters are responsible for the massacre.
First, the inconsistencies of the Hindu survivors’ testimonies are largely explained by the pressures and threats to personal safety that they faced while in Bangladesh, as described above by Bina Bala. Such pressure continued even while they lived in a separate camp area protected by the Bangladeshi security forces.
Second, the physical descriptions that the Hindu survivors provided of the ARSA attackers in Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik – descriptions which have largely remained consistent over time – are also consistent with descriptions of ARSA fighters around the time of the massacre from witnesses in other parts of Kha Maung Seik village tract and from witnesses in other villages across northern Rakhine State.
Ten Hindu in Ta Man Thar, Thit Tone Nar Gwa Son, and Myo Thu Gyi villages; three ethnic Mro residents of Khu Daing village, which was attacked and burned by ARSA on 28 August 2017; and two ethnic Rakhine residents of Koe Tan Kauk village tract all separately described to Amnesty International seeing a core group of fighters in black, often with their faces covered except for their eyes.[39] Many from those villages, as well as an ethnic Rakhine villager from Auk Pyue Ma, also described seeing among the attackers some Rohingya men who they recognized as neighbours or residents from nearby villages, similar to in Kha Maung Seik.[40] Witness descriptions of ARSA fighters covering their faces are likewise consistent with known photographs and videos of ARSA fighters, including those posted by ARSA itself in the weeks immediately before and after the 25 August attacks.[41]
Third, all of the survivors and many of the witnesses stated that they could hear the fighters speaking in the Rohingya dialect, which is very similar to the dialect spoken by the Hindu population in northern Rakhine State.[42]
Fourth, Amnesty International sent a forensic anthropological expert 31 photographs taken in Kha Maung Seik on 23 and 24 September 2017 by a person who was present when bodies were discovered in mass graves.[43] In a peer-reviewed analysis, the forensic expert concluded, after categorizing the decomposition of the bodies and estimating the soil temperature and water level, that “the appearance of the human remains exhumed from the grave at Kha Maung Seik on 24 September 2017 is entirely consistent with what would be expected had those individuals been killed and buried at that site on 25 August 2017.”[44]
The expert also identified the “presence of blindfolds on multiple victims (and the possible presence of sharp and blunt or projectile trauma), [which] is indicative of homicide in the form of extrajudicial and summary executions.”[45] When enlarging one of the images, the expert determined that a female victim “exhibits an injury to the anterior neck that is consistent with sharp force trauma, e.g. a knife slash to the throat,” though could not conclude from the photograph alone whether the trauma was the cause of death or had occurred during the excavation of the bodies.[46] The presence of blindfolds, as well as a wound suggestive of a throat being slit, is consistent with the testimonies of the surviving Hindu women.[47]
Fifth, testimonies from a Hindu villager and a Rakhine Village Administrator in Kha Maung Seik village tract confirms that the Myanmar military sent reinforcements to the area after the massacre was carried out, and the that at least one helicopter arrived in the area several days later, on 27 August.[48] That testimony gives further credence to the likelihood that the Myanmar security forces were not in control of Kha Maung Seik on the day the massacre occurred and therefore could not have carried it out.
Sixth, survivors identified specific individual perpetrators, one of whom Amnesty International was able to confirm was a Rohingya resident of Kha Maung Seik village tract.
Together, the evidence overwhelmingly indicates that ARSA was responsible for the massacre, and that it has actively tried to cover up the crimes by forcing the surviving women to appear on camera implicating other perpetrators and through more general intimidation aimed at distorting the story.
The attack in Kha Maung Seik shook the Hindu community in Rakhine State. Many of those whom Amnesty International interviewed in Sittwe expressed concerns about further violence. “I never imagined this could happen, we had a good relationship [with the Rohingya]. Why did they attack us?” asked Shawlyee Shawltee, from Kha Maung Seik.[49] Like other people displaced during the violence, she is worried about the future and does not want to return to her village. “I lost everything, my house, all our property. My husband is suffering [psychologically] after all his family members died,” she said.[50]

UNLAWFULL KILLING OF SIX HINDUS IN MYO THU GYI

While the massacre in Kha Maung Seik village tract is the most egregious incident of human rights abuses by ARSA that Amnesty International has documented, fighters perpetrated other killings and violent attacks against members of Hindu and Buddhist ethnic groups. On 26 August 2017, ARSA fighters killed six Hindus – two women, a man, and three children – and injured another Hindu woman, on the outskirts of Maungdaw town, near Myo Thu Gyi village.
The six victims were part of an extended family of twelve who had fled from U Daung village tract, in Maungdaw Township, after ARSA fighters threatened them the day before. After seeking refuge for a night in the house of the ethnic Rakhine Village Administrator, the group was driven to the outskirts of Maungdaw town. Shortly after they arrived, a gunfight broke out between ARSA and the Myanmar military. The Hindu family took cover in a nearby building under construction. According to the only two adult survivors, men dressed in black and carrying guns entered the building and then proceed to shoot at the group at close range.[51]
Kor Mor La, 25, was one of the two women who survived the attack, along with four children. Her husband Na Ra Yan, 30, and 5-year-old daughter, Shu Nan Daw, were both killed. “The people who shot us were dressed in black. … I couldn’t see their faces, only their eyes. … They had long guns and swords,” Kor Mor Lar said. “My husband was shot next to me. I was shot [in the chest]. After that I was barely conscious.[52]
Kor Mor La showed Amnesty International a scar on her left breast that she said was from the gunshot wound. “The bullet wound is still sore,” Kor Mor La said, explaining that she had to visit a doctor for ongoing treatment.[53]
Phaw Naw Balar, 27, was the only other adult to survive the attack. She told Amnesty International, “The men wearing black came from the direction of Myo Thu Gyi village. They didn’t say anything, they just started shooting. After they left, my children were crying, so I took them to the next floor up and we hid together in an empty water tank.”[54]
She explained that they hid until the ARSA fighters had left the area. “When I came back downstairs, I saw the dead bodies,” she recalled. “Six of my relatives were dead. Some had been shot in the front, in their abdomen and chest, [and] others in the back. My sister-in-law [Kor Mor La] was shot. I tried to bandage her, then we left for the three mile checkpoint.”[55] From there, the group travelled to Buthidaung town, and then on to Sittwe, where Kor Mor La received treatment for her injuries. In addition to Kor Mor La’s husband and daughter, ARSA fighters killed Chou Maw Tet, 27; her husband Han Mon Tor, 30; the couple’s 10-year-old son, Praw Chat; and their 3-year-old daughter, Daw Maw Ne.[56]
Today, the two surviving woman and their four children remain displaced in Sittwe, where they are living in a Hindu temple. Without her husband, the breadwinner of the family, Kor Mo La explained that she is worried how her family will survive. “I have had a very difficult time,” she said. “I have two children, just trying to survive is very hard. We are suffering so much.[57] 

CONCLUSION

The Rohingya in Rakhine State have for decades suffered systematic discrimination by the Myanmar authorities. Amnesty International has concluded that the deeply discriminatory way the authorities treated the Rohingya, even before the atrocities from August 2017 onwards, amounted to the crime against humanity of apartheid. Following the 25 August attacks these violations and crimes reached a peak, with unlawful killings, rapes, and burning of villages on a large scale, leading the majority of the population to flee the country. Nothing can justify such violations. But similarly, no atrocities can justify the massacre, abductions, and other abuses committed by ARSA against the Hindu community, as documented in this briefing.
Since the outbreak of violence in August, the Myanmar authorities have refused to grant access to northern Rakhine State to Amnesty International and other independent investigators, which has made it incredibly difficult to access those communities affected by ARSA and to corroborate witness accounts. Despite the restrictions, Amnesty International has now determined that ARSA fighters are responsible for the unlawful killing and abduction of members of the Hindu community in northern Rakhine State. These are serious crimes and abuses of human rights. They should be investigated by a competent body, and where sufficient, admissible evidence is found, those responsible should be held to account before independent civilian courts, in trials which meet international standards of fairness and which do not impose the death penalty.
For the full extent of the human rights abuses and crimes committed in northern Rakhine State to be uncovered, including those committed by ARSA, the Myanmar authorities must immediately allow independent investigators, including the UN Fact-Finding Mission, full and unfettered access throughout the region. Victims, survivors, and their families have the right to justice, truth, and reparation for the harm they have suffered. To this end, the authorities must also ensure full and unfettered humanitarian assistance to communities in need, and ensure that proper psycho-social support is available to all survivors of violence in northern Rakhine State.


[1] See International Crisis Group, Statement: Myanmar Tips into New Crisis after Rakhine State Attacks, 27 August 2017; International Crisis Group, Myanmar’s Rohingya Crisis Enters a Dangerous New Phase, Report No. 292 / Asia, 7 December 2017.
[2] Amnesty International interviews, Myanmar, April 2018. See also International Crisis Group, Myanmar’s Rohingya Crisis Enters a Dangerous New Phase.
[3] Under international law, rape by officials is also, and invariably, a form of torture.
[4] See Amnesty International, “My World Is Finished”: Rohingya Targeted by Crimes Against Humanity in Myanmar (Index: ASA 16/7288/2017), 18 October 2017; Amnesty International, Myanmar forces rob, starve and abduct Rohingya, as ethnic cleansing continues (Index: ASA 16/7835/2018), 7 February 2018; Amnesty International, Remaking Rakhine State (Index: ASA 16/8018/2018), 12 March 2018; Human Rights Watch, “All of My Body Was Pain”: Sexual Violence against Rohingya Women and Girls in Burma, November 2017; Médicins Sans Frontières (MSF), “No One Was Left”: Death and Violence against the Rohingya in Rakhine State, Myanmar, March 2018; Reuters, “Massacre in Myanmar,” 8 February 2018.
[5] Inter Sector Coordination Group (ISCG), Situation Report: Rohingya Refugee Crisis, 10 May 2018, https://www.humanitarianresponse.info/sites/www.humanitarianresponse.info/files/documents/files/20180510_-_iscg_-_sitrep_final.pdf.
[6] See International Crisis Group, Myanmar: A New Muslim Insurgency in Rakhine State, Report No. 283 / Asia, 15 December 2016; International Crisis Group, Myanmar’s Rohingya Crisis Enters a Dangerous New Phase; Amnesty International, “We Are at Breaking Point”: Rohingya: Persecuted in Myanmar, Neglected in Bangladesh (Index: ASA 16/5362/2016), 19 December 2016.
[7] Amnesty International interviews, Sittwe and Yangon, Myanmar, April and May 2018. See also International Crisis Group, Myanmar’s Rohingya Crisis Enters a Dangerous New Phase.
[8] Amnesty International interviews, Sittwe and Yangon, Myanmar, April and May 2018. See also International Crisis Group, The Long Haul Ahead for Myanmar’s Rohingya Refugee Crisis, Report No. 296 / Asia, 16 May 2018; Kayleigh Long, “Rohingya insurgency takes lethal form in Myanmar”, Asia Times Online,  20 June 2017, http://www.atimes.com/article/rohingya-insurgency-takes-lethal-form-myanmar/.
[9] Amnesty International interviews, Sittwe, Myanmar, April 2018; and telephone interview, 18 May 2018.
[10] Amnesty International interviewed three of the survivors twice – in Bangladesh in September 2017 and again in Myanmar in April or May 2018.
[11] The spelling of Hindu names in this briefing reflects how the interviewees gave their names to interpreters with whom Amnesty International worked. This presents challenges, as the original name was often burmanized and then anglicized in the course of transliteration. While Amnesty International has tried to record the spelling of names as accurately as possible, it is likely some spellings deviate from the original. In reporting by local and international media outlets, there are often small spelling differences in the names of Hindu individuals interviewed multiple times, reflecting the same challenge. Amnesty International has on file more complete biographical data of each individual interviewed.  
[12] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 27 April 2018.
[13] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 27 April 2018.
[14] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 25 April 2018.
[15] Amnesty International interviews, Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh, 28 September 2017, and in Sittwe, Myanmar, 25-30 April 3018; and telephone interviews, Rakhine State, Myanmar, 17-21 May 2018.
[16] List of Hindu killed in Kha Maung Seik village tract, on file with Amnesty International.
[17] Amnesty International interviews with survivors, Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh, 14 and 28 September 2017, and in Sittwe, Myanmar, 25-30 April 2018; and telephone interviews with survivors, Sittwe, Myanmar, 17 May 2018.
[18] Amnesty International telephone interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 17 May 2018.
[19] Amnesty International interview, Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh, 28 September 2017.
[20] Amnesty International telephone interviews, Sittwe, Myanmar, 17 May 2018.
[21] Amnesty International telephone interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 17 May 2018.
[22] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 27 April 2018.
[23] Amnesty International interviews with survivors, Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh, 14 and 28 September 2017, and in Sittwe, Myanmar, 25-30 April 2018; and telephone interviews with survivors, Sittwe, Myanmar, 17 May 2018.
[24] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 April 2018; and telephone interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 17 May 2018.
[25] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 April 2018; and telephone interview, 14 May 2018.
[26] Several people posted the video to Facebook, including here: https://www.facebook.com/noman.alhossain.9/videos/1405458619572008/ (last accessed 18 May 2018). Amnesty International delegates viewed and had the clip translated into English. 
[27] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 27 April 2018.
[28] Amnesty International interviews, Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh, September 2018, and in Sittwe, Myanmar, April 2018.
[29] See Myanmar Information Committee, “Eight Hindu women and eight children who were abducted by ARSA extremist terrorists to an IDP camp in Bangladesh were brought back to Myanmar,” 4 October 2017, https://www.facebook.com/InfomationCommittee/posts/810620129111095.
[30] Amnesty International interviews with three people who helped discover the bodies, Sittwe, Myanmar, April 2018; and with Hindu community leaders, Sittwe, Myanmar, April 2018. See also Agence France-Presse, “17 more bodies found as Myanmar unearths mass Hindu graves,” 25 September 2017.
[31] See Agence France-Presse, “Hindus recount massacre as mass graves unearthed,” 28 September 2017; Reuters, “Slaughtered Hindus a testament to brutality of Myanmar's conflict,” 27 September 2017.
[32] List of Hindu killed in Kha Maung Seik village tract, on file with Amnesty International.
[33] List of Hindu killed in Kha Maung Seik village tract, on file with Amnesty International.
[34] ARSA Press Release, Ref. No. ARSA/PR/13/2017, 27 September 2017, https://twitter.com/ARSA_Official/status/913061262958911494; Reuters, “Myanmar says bodies of 28 Hindu villagers found in Rakhine State,” 24 September 2017.
[35] See, e.g., https://www.facebook.com/noman.alhossain.9/videos/1405458619572008/ (last accessed 18 May 2018).
[36] Reuters, “Rohingya say their village is lost to Myanmar's spiraling conflict,” 7 September 2017. See also Mahadi Al Hasnat, “Who really attacked the Rohingya Hindus in Rakhine?” Dhaka Tribune, 1 October 2017, https://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/2017/10/01/who-really-attacked-the-rohingya-hindus-in-rakhine/ (discussing the change in testimony to Reuters and other media outlets).
[37] Amnesty International interviews, Bangladesh refugee camps, 14 and 28 September 2017. See also Agence France-Presse, “Hindus recount massacre as mass graves unearthed,” 28 September 2017 (describing men in black, but not specifying who the attackers were); Mahadi Al Hasnat, “Who really attacked the Rohingya Hindus in Rakhine?” Dhaka Tribune, 1 October 2017 (discussing the evolution in stories, with descriptions of men in black but different versions of who those men were); Suliman Niloy, “Hindu refugees blame 'Rohingya militants' for attacking them in Myanmar,” bdnews24.com, 24 September 2017, https://bdnews24.com/bangladesh/2017/09/24/hindu-refugees-blame-rohingya-militants-for-attacking-them-in-myanmar (describing attackers in black who spoke the Rohingya dialect); Moe Myint, “Hindu Refugee Shares Eyewitness Account of Maungdaw Violence,” The Irrawaddy, 26 September 2017, https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/hindu-refugee-shares-eyewitness-account-maungdaw-violence.html (identifying the attackers as Muslims). 
[38] See, e.g., Radio Free Asia, “Witnesses Provide New Details of Killings of Hindus in Myanmar’s Rakhine,” 5 October 2017, https://www.rfa.org/english/news/myanmar/witnesses-provide-new-details-of-killings-of-hindus-10052017152154.html; Global New Light of Myanmar, “’This area is our territory’: ARSA extremist terrorists,” 5 October 2018, http://www.globalnewlightofmyanmar.com/area-territory-arsa-extremist-terrorists/; Shaikh Azizur Rahman, “Mystery surrounds deaths of Hindu villagers in Myanmar mass graves,” The Guardian, 12 October 2017, https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2017/oct/12/myanmar-mass-graves-mystery-surrounds-deaths-of-hindu-villagers-dirty-tricks-rohingya.
[39] Amnesty International interviews, Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh, 14-28 September 2017, and in Sittwe, Myanmar, 25-30 April 2018; and telephone interview, 18 May 2018.
[40] Amnesty International interviews, Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh, 14-28 September 2017, and in Sittwe, Myanmar, 25-30 April 2018.
[41] See, e.g., @ARSA_Official Twitter Account, 30 August 2017, https://twitter.com/ARSA_Official/status/902985387139887105 (linking to http://faithmovementarakan.blogspot.ae/2017/08/a-r-s-commander-on-ongoing-situation-in.html?m=1, where a video shows two armed men with dark cloth covering their faces except for their eyes, standing next to ARSA’s reported head, Ata Ullah, as he speaks); @ARSA_Official Twitter Account, 29 August 2017, https://twitter.com/ARSA_Official/status/902590044807892992 (indicating that YouTube took down an ARSA video and linking to http://faithmovementarakan.blogspot.sg/2017/08/arsa-commander-addresses-international.html?m=1, where a video shows two armed men with cloth covering their faces except for their eyes, standing next to ARSA’s reported head, Ata Ullah); @ARSA_Official Twitter Account, “ARSA Commander Addresses International Community and Rakhine People,” 16 August 2017, https://twitter.com/ARSA_Official/status/897875808349544448 (showing four armed men with cloth covering their faces except for their eyes, standing next to ARSA’s reported head, Ata Ullah, as he speaks).
[42] Amnesty International interviews, Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh, 25 and 28 September 2017, and in Sittwe, Myanmar, 25-30 April 2018; and telephone interviews with survivors, Sittwe, Myanmar, 17 May 2018.
[43] Amnesty International was able to geolocate several photographs in the set, which show members of the security forces and other people wading through a creek near where the massacre occurred and the bodies were found. That matches the description of the person who provided the photographs to Amnesty International, who said that he was among a group who crossed a creek in order to get to the site of the mass graves. The close-up photographs of the mass graves and bodies could not be geolocated, as there were not enough identifiable features in the surrounding environment. They are consistent, however, with photographs taken by media outlets including Agence France-Press several days later, when the Myanmar authorities brought journalists to the site.
[44] Forensic Anthropological Analysis of Human Remains from Kha Maung Seik, Myanmar with a focus on Postmortem Interval Estimation, 16 May 2018, p. 12 (on file with Amnesty International).
[45] Forensic Anthropological Analysis of Human Remains from Kha Maung Seik, Myanmar with a focus on Postmortem Interval Estimation, 16 May 2018, p. 12 (on file with Amnesty International).
[46] Forensic Anthropological Analysis of Human Remains from Kha Maung Seik, Myanmar with a focus on Postmortem Interval Estimation, 16 May 2018, p. 2 (on file with Amnesty International).
[47] Amnesty International interviews, Hindu refugee camp in Bangladesh, 28 September 2017, and in Sittwe, Myanmar, 25-30 April 2018.
[48] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 April 2018; and telephone interview, 14 May 2018.
[49] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 April 2018.
[50] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 April 2018.
[51] Amnesty International interviews, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 and 30 April 2018.
[52] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 April 2018.
[53] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 April 2018.
[54] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 30 April 2018.
[55] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 30 April 2018.
[56] Amnesty International interviews, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 and 30 April 2018.
[57] Amnesty International interview, Sittwe, Myanmar, 29 April 2018.

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