ျမန္မာသမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္သည္ ၂၀၁၁
မတ္လတြင္ အာဏာ ရယူၿပီးခ်ိန္မွစ၍ ျပဳျပင္ ေျပာင္းလဲမႈမ်ားကို အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ရန္ သိသိသာသာ
လ်င္ျမန္စြာ လႈပ္ရွားခဲ့သည္။ သမၼတသည္ အတိုက္အခံ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ကို
လက္ကမ္းျခင္း၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသား အေရအတြက္မ်ားမ်ား လႊတ္ေပးျခင္း၊ မီဒီယာ ဆင္ဆာတည္းျဖတ္မႈကို
ေျဖေလ်ာ့ေပးျခင္း၊ အလုပ္သမားသမဂၢမ်ား ဖြဲ႕စည္းခြင့္ျပဳသည့္ ဥပေဒသစ္ကို လက္မွတ္ထိုး
ထုတ္ျပန္ျခင္း တို႕ကို ဆက္တုိက္ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္။ အေရးယူဒဏ္ခတ္မႈ sanctions ခ်မွတ္ေသာ
အေနာက္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ား က အဓိက ရည္ရြယ္ သတ္မွတ္ထားေသာ စည္းကမ္းမ်ား ျဖစ္သည့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး
အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး၊ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ၏ အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္
(NLD) ပါတီ
ႏိုင္ငံေရး လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္သို႕ ျပန္လည္ ဝင္ေရာက္ရန္ အေျခအေနမ်ား ဖန္တီး ျဖစ္ေပၚေရး စေသာ
ကိစၥမ်ားမွာ အေမရိကန္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရးဝန္ႀကီး ဟီလာရီ ကလင္တန္ ၏ ဒီဇင္ဘာ လဆန္း ခရီးစဥ္
မတိုင္မီ၌ပင္ လိုလားသည့္ အတိုင္း ျပည့္မီမည့္ လကၡဏာမ်ား ေကာင္းစြာ ေပၚလြင္ေနသည္။ ယခု
ေနာက္ဆံုး သိသာ ထင္းရွားေသာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈ ကလည္း ႏိုင္ငံ၏ အႀကီးမားဆံုး
စိန္ေခၚမႈ ျဖစ္သည့္ အစိုးရႏွင့္ တိုင္းရင္းသား အုပ္စုမ်ား အၾကား ႏွစ္ ၆၀ ၾကာ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္
ျပႆနာကိုပါ ေျဖရွင္း ႏိုင္ေတာ့မည့္ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ကို ေပးလွ်က္ ရွိသည္။
မၾကာေသးမီက အဆိုပါ တိုင္းရင္းသား
ျပႆနာ အေနအထားသည္ အေျခအေန ေကာင္းပံု မရခဲ့ပါ။ လက္ရွိ ႏွစ္မ်ား အတြင္း အရပ္ဘက္ အစိုးရသစ္
အတြက္ ျပင္ဆင္မႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ေသာ တပ္မေတာ္ အစိုးရေဟာင္းသည္ တိုင္းရင္းသား အုပ္စုမ်ားႏွင့္
ဖြာလန္က်ဲၿပီးသား ဆက္ဆံေရးကို ပိုမို ဆိုးဝါးေစခဲ့သည္။ တိုင္းရင္းသား အုပ္စုမ်ား၏ လက္နက္ကိုင္
တပ္မ်ားကို တပ္မေတာ္၏ ကြပ္ကဲမႈ ေအာက္သို႕ သြတ္သြင္းမည့္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အစီအစဥ္သစ္ကို
ခ်မွတ္ရန္ ႀကိဳးစားမႈေၾကာင့္ ရွိရင္းစြဲ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲမႈမ်ား ပ်က္ျပား သြားခဲ့သည္။
တိုင္းရင္းသားတို႕၏ ကာလရွည္ၾကာ ႏိုင္ငံေရး မေက်လည္မႈမ်ားကို လံုျခံဳေရး ျပႆနာအျဖစ္
သံုးသပ္ၿပီး၊ အရွိန္ျမွင့္ တိုက္ခိုက္ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ အဓိက ေျဖရွင္းရမည့္ ကိစၥမ်ားျဖစ္ေသာ
ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းမႈ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ေရး၊ သာတူညီမွ်မႈ ျမွင့္တင္ေရး၊ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရး ညွင္းပန္းမႈမ်ား
အဆံုးသတ္ေရး၊ စီးပြားေရး အခြင့္အလမ္းမ်ား ျဖည့္ဆည္းေပးေရး၊ သာတူညီမွ် ရင္းျမစ္ မွ်ေဝေရး၊
ေဒသႏၱရ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈ ခိုင္မာေစေရး စသည္တို႕ကို ေျဖရွင္းရန္မွာ ပိုမို ခက္ခဲခဲ့ပါသည္။
အာဏာရလာေသာ သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္က တိုင္းရင္းသား ကိစၥကို အမ်ိဳးသား ဦးစားေပး အေနျဖင့္
ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ ကတိေပးျခင္း၊ တုိင္းရင္းသား အုပ္စုအားလံုးႏွင့္ ဒိုင္ယာေလာ့ခ္ ကမ္းလွမ္းျခင္း၊
ေဆြးေႏြးရန္ အတြက္ အဓိက ႀကိဳတင္ စည္းကမ္း သတ္မွတ္ထားမႈမ်ားကို ပယ္ဖ်က္ေပးျခင္း တို႕ကို
ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ထိုစကားမ်ားျဖင့္ မလံုေလာက္ေၾကာင္း ေတြ႕ျမင္ၾကရၿပီ ျဖစ္သည္။ သို႕ျဖစ္ရာ
ယခုအခါ သမၼတ အေနျဖင့္ ၄င္းေျပာသည့္ စကားကို တာဝန္ယူေၾကာင္း သံသယႀကီးသည့္ တိုင္းရင္းသား
အသိုင္းအဝိုင္းက ယံုၾကည္ လာေစမည့္ လက္ေတြ႕ လုပ္ေဆာင္မႈမ်ားျဖင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး အသစ္
ႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈ လမ္းေၾကာင္းအတိုင္း လိုက္ပါရန္ လိုအပ္ေနၿပီ ျဖစ္သည္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသည္ ၁၉၄၈ခုႏွစ္ လြတ္လပ္ေရး ရခ်ိန္မွစ၍ တိုင္းရင္းသား လူမ်ိဳးစု အကုန္လံုးနီးပါးႏွင့္ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည္။ ၁၉၈၈တြင္ အာဏာ သိမ္းခဲ့ေသာ တပ္မေတာ္ အစိုးရသည္ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အုပ္စုမ်ားစြာႏွင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး သေဘာတူညီမႈမ်ား လက္မွတ္ေရးထိုးျခင္းျဖင့္ နယ္စပ္ ေတာင္တန္း ေဒသမ်ားရွိ အႀကီးမားဆံုး စစ္ေရး ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္မႈကို ယာယီ ေျပလည္ေအာင္ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္။ ၎ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ မ်ားသည္ စစ္ပြဲမွ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးသို႕၊ လက္နက္ကိုင္ ပဋိပကၡမွ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ျငင္းခုန္မႈသို႕ ေရြ႕ရမည့္ အလွည့္အေျပာင္း တစ္ခု ျဖစ္သင့္ ေသာ္လည္း ထိုသို႕ ျဖစ္လာျခင္း မရွိခဲ့ေပ။ ထိုသို႕ ျဖစ္လာရမည့္အစား ကတိျပဳထားေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ေဆြးေႏြးမႈမ်ား လံုးဝ အသက္ဝင္လာျခင္း မရွိသည့္ အေလ်ာက္ ရၿပီးသား သေဘာတူညီခ်က္မ်ား ပို၍ ေဆြးေျမ႕လာကာ ေရရွည္ ၾကံစည္ထားေသာ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံု အေျခခံဥပေဒ ဆိုင္ရာ အစိုးရ ပံုစံသစ္သို႕ မကူးေျပာင္းမီ တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္တပ္မ်ား နယ္ျခားေစာင့္ တပ္ဖြဲ႕သို႕ ပူးေပါင္းလာေအာင္ တပ္မေတာ္ အစိုးရက တျဖည္းျဖည္း ႀကိဳးစား လာခ်ိန္တြင္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲထားမႈ ပ်က္ျပယ္ သြားခဲ့သည္။
ေအာက္က Scribd မွာ အေသးစိတ္ဖတ္ၾကည့္လိုက္ပါ...
214 Myanmar a New Peace Initiative Burmese
CRISIS GROUP - NEW REPORT Myanmar: A New Peace Initiative
After demonstrating commitment to an extraordinary series of social, economic and political reforms, Myanmar’s new government has launched a bold peace initiative with potential to resolve the devastating 60-year civil war with ethnic groups.
Myanmar: A New Peace Initiative, the latest report from the International Crisis Group, comes on the eve of the first visit to the country by a U.S. Secretary of State in a half century and days after ceasefires have been reached or agreed in principle with a number of ethnic armed groups. It examines the opportunity for a sustainable end of the ethnic turmoil and armed conflicts that have been devastating the country since the early days of its independence.
President Thein Sein has recognised the importance of the ethnic situation and pledged to make it a national priority. Myanmar now has an opportunity to comprehensively resolve these conflicts. The President has opened a dialogue with all armed groups and dropped key preconditions, such as the scheme to convert their armies into border guards. He has also offered an unprecedented national conference to seek political solutions to ethnic divisions. Despite serious clashes in Kachin State and parts of Shan State, momentum is now clearly building behind the government’s peace initiative.
“A lasting solution to the problem requires going beyond just stopping the wars”, says Jim Della-Giacoma, Crisis Group’s South East Asia Project Director. “Multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-religious Myanmar can only achieve genuine national unity and reconciliation by embracing its diversity”.
But lasting peace is by no means assured. Ethnic minority grievances run deep since the independence of Myanmar in 1948. The military regime of the State Law and Order Restoration Council that came to power in 1988 temporarily neutralised its largest military threat in the borderlands by signing ceasefire agreements with a number of armed ethnic groups. Those ceasefires should have been a watershed, from war to peace and armed to political struggle, but this failed to happen. Instead, the agreements grew stale, as promised political talks never materialised. They collapsed when the military government tried by decree to incorporate ethnic armies into a border guard force ahead of a long-planned transition to a new structure of constitutional government.
Ensuring greater peace will take more than reaching ceasefire agreements with armed groups. It requires addressing the grievances and aspirations of all minority populations, guaranteeing equal rights, supporting socio-economic developments, granting greater regional autonomy and building trust between the communities.
The international community has an important role to play in support of peace and development in Myanmar. It should understand the complexities of the conflict and support conflict resolution without making the attainment of peace a prerequisite for improving bilateral relations or beginning to lift sanctions. Encouraging the protagonists to find their own way to stop the fighting and make headway on a political settlement would simultaneously help meet key Western benchmarks on political prisoners, human rights, and democracy.
“If major conflict persists, successful reform will remain elusive”, says Robert Templer, Crisis Group’s Asia Program Director. “That would be to the detriment of the whole country. Every effort must be made to ensure that all groups are part of this process, or it could be the beginning of a new era of conflict rather than the end of an old one”.
Ref:crissgroup.org
Myanmar: A New Peace Initiative, the latest report from the International Crisis Group, comes on the eve of the first visit to the country by a U.S. Secretary of State in a half century and days after ceasefires have been reached or agreed in principle with a number of ethnic armed groups. It examines the opportunity for a sustainable end of the ethnic turmoil and armed conflicts that have been devastating the country since the early days of its independence.
President Thein Sein has recognised the importance of the ethnic situation and pledged to make it a national priority. Myanmar now has an opportunity to comprehensively resolve these conflicts. The President has opened a dialogue with all armed groups and dropped key preconditions, such as the scheme to convert their armies into border guards. He has also offered an unprecedented national conference to seek political solutions to ethnic divisions. Despite serious clashes in Kachin State and parts of Shan State, momentum is now clearly building behind the government’s peace initiative.
“A lasting solution to the problem requires going beyond just stopping the wars”, says Jim Della-Giacoma, Crisis Group’s South East Asia Project Director. “Multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-religious Myanmar can only achieve genuine national unity and reconciliation by embracing its diversity”.
But lasting peace is by no means assured. Ethnic minority grievances run deep since the independence of Myanmar in 1948. The military regime of the State Law and Order Restoration Council that came to power in 1988 temporarily neutralised its largest military threat in the borderlands by signing ceasefire agreements with a number of armed ethnic groups. Those ceasefires should have been a watershed, from war to peace and armed to political struggle, but this failed to happen. Instead, the agreements grew stale, as promised political talks never materialised. They collapsed when the military government tried by decree to incorporate ethnic armies into a border guard force ahead of a long-planned transition to a new structure of constitutional government.
Ensuring greater peace will take more than reaching ceasefire agreements with armed groups. It requires addressing the grievances and aspirations of all minority populations, guaranteeing equal rights, supporting socio-economic developments, granting greater regional autonomy and building trust between the communities.
The international community has an important role to play in support of peace and development in Myanmar. It should understand the complexities of the conflict and support conflict resolution without making the attainment of peace a prerequisite for improving bilateral relations or beginning to lift sanctions. Encouraging the protagonists to find their own way to stop the fighting and make headway on a political settlement would simultaneously help meet key Western benchmarks on political prisoners, human rights, and democracy.
“If major conflict persists, successful reform will remain elusive”, says Robert Templer, Crisis Group’s Asia Program Director. “That would be to the detriment of the whole country. Every effort must be made to ensure that all groups are part of this process, or it could be the beginning of a new era of conflict rather than the end of an old one”.
Ref:crissgroup.org
No comments:
Post a Comment